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Note: The following article is a highly summarized version of the original. For more comprehensive articles and quotations from ancient sources in their original language (such as Ancient Greek, Latin, Medieval Arabic, Early Modern Castilian) accompanied by novel and unprecedented transcriptions and translations with commentaries, please visit the main articles corresponding to each section. You can find links to these articles below the heading of each respective section. Origin of the ancient Canarians According to Friar Alonso de Espinosa's writings in the late 16th century, the Guanches, the inhabitants of Achineche (Tenerife), believed that sixty individuals arrived on the island in ancient times, but their origin was unknown. They settled near Icod and referred to their dwelling as Alzanxiquian abcanahac xerac, meaning "Place of the assembly of the son of the great one" in their language. This folklore reflects the Guanches' understanding of their ancestral history. Identity Despite popularly being called Guanches, this gentilic only refers to the ancient inhabitants of Tenerife. Research suggests that the ancient Canarians, including the Guanches, were of Berber origin from North Africa. Evidence such as genetic markers and shared cultural traits supports this theory. The Canarians had a writing system known as Libyco-Berber and possessed similar pottery, tools, and weaponry to contemporary Berbers. Pliny the Elder, based on accounts from Juba II, describes a Mauretanian expedition in approximately 50 BC that encountered ruins of structures on the Canary Islands. Interestingly, no population was found during the expedition. This raises questions about the possibility of other inhabitants existing on the islands before the arrival of the Canarian Berbers or whether the expedition simply did not thoroughly explore the islands. The arrival of the ancient inhabitants to the Canary Islands is still a mystery. They could have been motivated by the expansion of civilizations like the Phoenicians or Carthaginians in their homeland. It's possible they were a rebellious tribe or intentionally relocated to establish a base outside the Mediterranean. One theory suggests the islands were initially settled by the Canarii tribe of Berbers from present-day Morocco. According to an aboriginal legend, they believed they were descended from distant royalty. The precise method of their arrival remains uncertain, but some speculate they may have traveled independently. Despite limited navigational knowledge during the Castilian conquest in the 15th century, the aboriginals of Gran Canaria managed to construct boats using dragon trees and stone ballast, allowing them to fish and conduct raids on neighboring islands. However, the Canarii of Pliny are most likely to be equated with another tribe from the Moroccan Atlas. It must be noted that the term "Canarii" were given this name due to the belief that they shared the same diet as dogs, called "canēs" in Latin. Whereas the Canary Islands owe their name to the multitude of large dogs that Juba’s expedition encountered on the islands. Therefore, the etymology of the name of the Canarii from the Atlas differs from that of the island of Canaria, which has been equated to Gran Canaria. Indeed, different islands of the Canaries, with little contact (perhaps none) between them, worshiped demonic entities which resembled ferocious woolly dogs. In Tenerife they were called Jucancha; in Gran Canaria they were known as Tibicenas; in La Palma they were referred to as Iruene; and lastly, in La Gomera they were known as Hirguan, which incidentally were bipedal. However, according to other scholars, the etymology for the Canary Islands is derived from a Berber term meaning “large front” or “battle front.” However, the present writer believes this to not be accurate, as the ancient authors had already named one of the Fortunate Isles Canaria, and could not have derived this from any local language as they claim they did not encounter natives. Either way, the aboriginals of the Canary Islands inhabited the archipelago for around 2000 years, and archaeological, linguistic, epigraphic and genetic evidence points out they were Berber in origin. Above, the drastically different environments the Berbers encountered in the Canary Islands upon their arrival. The archipelago consists of seven large and several smaller islands, all of which are volcanic in origin. They lie in the path of the north-east trade winds that carry moisture. The winds create distinct microclimates on the taller and newer islands of the West as a result, and their windward side is heavily covered in pine tree forests and laurisilva. In the East however, the lower, older and eroded islands no longer reach the moisture carried by the winds and are effectively desert. When they reached the islands The time of arrival to the archipelago is not certain. Isolated radiocarbon dates obtained are not equal on all islands of the archipelago. For example, the site of Buenavista in Lanzarote has produced a C-14 dating of the 10th century BCE, a quite early date which would make sense considering the proximity of the island to the African coast. On Tenerife, the oldest dates yielded by C-14 are from the 5th century BCE, and perhaps as far back as 600 BCE, a date obtained by indirect datations from Cueva de los Guanches. In the case of La Palma, the oldest date obtained was the 3rd century BCE. However, some of the dating is disputed by some scholars. The oldest reliable date that radio-carbon dating has yielded is the last quarter of the 1st century BCE. How they reached the islands There are different theories about how the ancient Canarians arrived on the Canary Islands. Some scholars believe they came on their own, possibly due to pressure from civilizations like the Phoenicians, Carthaginians, or Romans in northwest Africa. Others suggest they were deported by another civilization. Regardless, the first settlers engaged in a true colonization, bringing goats, sheep, pigs, dogs, and seeds, which formed the foundation for later livestock and agriculture development. Late Medieval historians did not encounter boats or aboriginals fishing in the Canary Islands, leading some scholars to propose that the ancient Canarians were deported by the Romans as a result of uprisings and conflicts, a practice that was commonly done by empires throughout Antiquity. However, the present writer is of the opinion that the Berbers were not deported to the islands by another civilisation due to the following reasons. Evidence suggests that Berbers inhabited the islands before the Roman annexation of Mauretania, ruling out Roman involvement in a potential deportation. Also, only Lanzarote and Islote de Lobos have yielded evidence of Roman presence. The possibility of Phoenician or Carthaginian visits to the islands also lacks strong evidence. And most importantly, the three westernmost islands of the Canaries were apparently not known by ancient authors, but were inhabited by Berbers nonetheless. Instead, this writer suggests mere desire for expansion or conflicts and slave trade as a possible cause for Berbers to migrate away from powerful Mediterranean civilisations by their own means. The proximity of the Canaries to the Saharan coastline, visible in clear weather, could have intrigued adventurous Berbers living on the desert's edge and motivated them to set sail. Fishing was another source of food, and contact with thalassocratic civilizations like the Greeks, Phoenicians, or Carthaginians, who had nearby colonies and navigation expertise, may have influenced the coastal Berbers' navigational skills. Therefore, it is possible that the Berbers reached the islands without intervention from other civilizations. In fact, historical accounts mention the natives of Gran Canaria crafting boats for fishing and raiding neighboring islands. There is evidence of successive waves of migration to the Canary Islands, possibly resulting from the progressive desertification of the Sahara Desert. As the Berbers adapted to their new lands, their need for navigation diminished, leading subsequent generations to lose the skills of boat crafting and navigation, explaining the lack of vessels during the Castilian conquest. Physical appearance Pliny the Elder, Strabo and other ancient authors, in their geographical writings, mention the Fortunate Isles but provide no information about the people inhabiting these islands. However, the Canary Islands may have been visited by Andalusian seafarers who called themselves the Muġarrirūn (Arabic: المُغَرِّرُون "intrepid explorers"), which is recounted by Muḥammad al-ʾIdrīsī, and provided a potential account of its inhabitants: The navigators saw there people with red skin; there was not much hair on their body, the hair of their head was straight, and they were of high stature. Their women were of an extraordinary beauty. — Muḥammad al-ʾIdrīsī, Nuzhat al-Muštāq fī-ḫtirāq al-āfāq - ca. 1150 CE Some 400 years later, the men were described by late Medieval historians as being "tall, robust and strong with attractive facial features." Friar Alonso de Espinosa provides a physical description of the Guanches, the inhabitants from Achineche (Tenerife): Es esta gente (los de la banda del Sur) de color algo tostada y morena, agora sea por traer este color de generación, agora sea por ser la tierra algo cálida y tostarlos el sol, por andar casi desnudos, como andaban. Mas los de la banda del Norte eran blancos, y las mujeres hermosas y rubias y de lindos cabellos. Translation: This people (those from the Southern band) have a somewhat toasted and tanned complexion, whether it be due to inheriting this colour from their ancestors, or because the land is somewhat warm and the sun tans them, as they walk nearly naked. However, those from the Northern band were white, and the women were beautiful, blonde, and had lovely hair. — Friar Alonso de Espinosa About the ancient Gomerans, Torriani said the following: Gli antichi Gomeri furono huomini alti di statura, forzuti, agili, belicosi, poco attilati nel uestire, et idolatri Translation: The ancient Gomerans were men of tall stature, strong, agile, bellicose, not very good at dressing, and idolaters.— Torriani - 1590 The 16th to 17th century Canarian poet Antonio de Viana described the Canarian aboriginals in the following way: Tenían todos por la mayor parte Magnánimo valor, altivo espíritu, Valientes fuerzas, ligereza de brío; Dispuesto talle, cuerpo giganteo: Rostros alegres, graves y apacibles, Agudo entendimiento, gran memoria, Trato muy noble, honesto y agradable, Y fueron con exceso apasionados Del amor y provecho de su patria. Translation: They all possessed, for the most part, Magnanimous valor, a lofty spirit, Brave strength, agility of vigor; Well-formed figures, gigantic bodies: Cheerful, serious, and serene faces, Sharp intellect, great memory, Noble, honest, and pleasant demeanor, And they were exceedingly passionate About the love and welfare of their homeland. — Antonio de Viana – ca. 1600 Genetic results also provided insights into the phenotype of one individual, suggesting lactose intolerance, dark hair, medium to fair skin color, and brown eyes. Similar results were observed in other individuals with available information, indicating a dominant phenotype of lactose intolerance, dark hair, medium to fair skin color, and brown eyes (Rodríguez-Varela et al. 2017). The aboriginals exhibited a pronounced sexual dimorphism, with men being robust and ranging in height between 164 and 170 centimeters, while women stood between 152 and 158 cm. These heights varied in the regions known as the isolation zones—the mountainous massifs of Anaga and Teno—where men would not surpass 160 cm and women would not exceed 150 cm. In these areas, the sexual difference was less pronounced. Research suggests that the life expectancy of the Guanches ranged between 30 and 45 years. However, those belonging to the nobility, who had access to better nutrition and engaged in less physical exertion, could reach the age of 65. Archaeological evidence suggests the ancient Canarians can be classed into two variegate types: Proto-Mediterranean and Mechtoid, on the basis of cranial morphology. The Iberomaurusian type had "Cro-Magnoid" traits, possessing a broad, robust face and shorter stature, whereas the Proto-Mediterranean type had a gracile face and taller stature (Ilse Schwidetzky 1975). These different traits indicate that the ancient Canarians might be descendants of Iberomaurusians and the later Capsians. Skull of a Bimbache woman (from Eceró, i.e. El Hierro) with Proto-Mediterranean traits. 3D model created with photogrammetry. Skull of a Benahoarite man (from Benahoare, i.e. La Palma) with Mechtoid traits. 3D model created with photogrammetry. The Mechtoid phenotype and Iberomaurusian affinity Some of the aboriginals from the Canary Islands were related to the Iberomaurusians, also known by the less common name Western Oranians, which bore resemblance with the Cro-Magnon. Examples of the Iberomaurusians are the remains from the Cave of Taforalt (French: Grotte des Pigeons) near Berkān in Morocco, or the Man of ʾAfālū (Arabic: إِنْسَان أَفَالُو) which takes its name from the Algerian village of Maštah ʾAfālū (Arabic: مَشْتَة أَفَلُو), also known as Maštat al-ʿArbī (Arabic: مَشْتَة ٱلْعَرْبِي), located in the Tell Atlas (Arabic: الاطلس التلي, al-ʾAṭlas at-Tlī), hence the name "Mechtoid" for this phenotype. A peculiar practice of the Iberomaurusians—at least on the continent—is the extraction of the central incisors. The Iberomaurusian culture appeared during the Last Glacial Maximum and lasted until the early Holocene (c. 25/23,000–c. 11,000 cal BP). Their name, "of Iberia and Maurusia"—the Greek names for Latin Hispania and Mauretania—, is in reference to the now discounted belief that they extended into the Iberian peninsula, due to the microlithic toolkit that characterised them. The French palaeoanthropoligist René Verneau believed the Cro-Magnon migrated from France towards the north to Belgium and Netherlands, towards the southeast to Italy, and towards the southwest to Spain, extending from these last two regions to north Africa, and ultimately from here to the Canary Islands. This theory has now been completely rejected. It is now believed that the Iberomaurusians developed locally, and that they may have derived from the people of the Aterian culture of the Middle Palaeolithic from northwest Africa, both representing anatomically modern Homo sapiens. Iberomaurusian and Aterian specimens have been noted to share similarities with an archaic Homo sapiens, the Jebel Irhoud (Arabic: جَبَل إِغُود Ǧabal ʾIġūd; Tamazight: ⴰⴷⵔⴰⵔ ⵏ ⵉⵖⵓⴷ Adrar n Iɣud) specimens from western Morocco and dated to roughly 300,000 BP, though these have a continuous supraorbital torus whereas the Aterian and Iberomaurasian specimens have a discontinuous supraorbital torus, which in some cases is completely absent. The Proto-Mediterranean phenotype and Capsian affinity The other group of humans that contributed to the formation of the Berbers had a Proto-Mediterranean phenotype and were carriers of the Capsian culture. From the 8th milennium BP onwards, the Iberomaurusians started to disappear at the expense of the Capsians, and the latter would last until 2,700 BP. This culture originated in the Ouled Naïl Mountains (Arabic: جَبَال أَوْلَاد نَايِل Ǧabāl ʾŪlād Nāyl) of Algeria and the Aurès Mountains (Arabic: جَبَال الأَوْرَاس Ǧabāl al-ʾAwrās) of Algeria and Tunisia. Decorative art is widely found at their sites, including figurative and abstract rock art, ceramic with geometric motifs very similar to those used today in body adornment, and ochre is found coloring both tools and corpses. Other artefacts include ostrich eggshells that were used to make beads and containers, and seashells were used for necklaces. The Iberomaurusian practice of extracting the central incisors continued sporadically, but became rarer. Genetics In a study conducted by Maca-Meyer et al. in 2003, a total of 71 samples of mtDNA were extracted from the remains of Guanches who were buried across various Canary Islands around 1000 AD. The genetic analysis revealed that the examined Guanches displayed the closest genetic similarities to modern Moroccan Berbers, Canary Islanders, and Spaniards. Notably, they exhibited a significantly high prevalence of the maternal haplogroup U6b1. Interestingly, the frequency of U6b1 in present-day North Africa is remarkably low, suggesting that subsequent historical events have had a substantial impact on the genetic composition of the Berber population. Based on their findings, the authors of the study proposed that the Guanches were descendants of migrants originating from mainland North Africa who shared ancestral ties with the Berbers. Furthermore, it was estimated that the Guanches contributed approximately 42-73% to the maternal gene pool of contemporary Canary Islanders. In a study conducted by Fregel et al. in 2009, a total of 30 samples of Y-DNA were extracted from Guanches of the Canary Islands. Analysis of these samples revealed various paternal haplogroups, including E1a* (3.33%), E1b1b1a* (23.33%), E1b1b1b* (26.67%), I* (6.67%), J1* (16.67%), K*, P* (3.33%), and R1b1b2 (10.00%). The presence of E1a*, E1b1b1a*, and E1b1b1b* lineages, which are commonly found among Berbers, indicated a strong connection between the Guanches and North Africa, suggesting that they were migrants from that region. On the other hand, the moderate frequencies of R1b1b2 and I* lineages, which are prevalent in Europe, among the examined Guanche males suggested a prehistoric gene flow from Europe to the Canary Islands via the Mediterranean. It was observed that the genetic contribution of Guanche males to the gene pool of modern Canary Islanders was relatively lower compared to Guanche females. This disparity is likely attributed to the brutal conquest of the islands, which resulted in significant loss of Guanche male lineages. Interestingly, haplogroups commonly found among the Guanches have been identified at high frequencies in Latin America, indicating that descendants of the Guanches played an active role in the Spanish colonization of the Americas. In another study conducted by Fregel et al. in 2009, the mtDNA of 30 aboriginals from La Palma, known as Benahoarites, was extracted and analyzed. The findings revealed that 93% of their mtDNA haplogroups originated from West Eurasia, while 7% had origins in sub-Saharan Africa. Notably, approximately 15% of their West Eurasian maternal lineages were specific to Europe and the Near East, rather than North Africa. This suggests that the Benahoarites had ancestral connections to either of these regions. The examined Benahoarites displayed high frequencies of the maternal haplogroups U6b1 and H1-16260. It is noteworthy that U6b1 has not been found in North Africa, while H1-16260 is considered "extremely rare." These observations further support the notion that the North African population from which the Benahoarites and other Guanches descended has undergone significant population replacement due to subsequent migrations. In a study conducted by Pereira et al. in 2010, the origins of the maternal haplogroup U6, which is characteristic of Guanches, were investigated. It was proposed that U6 was introduced to North Africa during the Upper Paleolithic by Cro-Magnon-like humans, more specifically called Mechtoids, migrating from the Near East. These early migrants potentially played a role in the development of the Iberomaurusian culture. A subsequent study by Secher et al. in 2014 proposed an alternative hypothesis. They suggested that U6 was initially brought to the Levant from Central Europe during the Upper Paleolithic by people belonging to the Aurignacian culture. These individuals formed the Levantine Aurignacian (c. 33000 BC) and subsequently reintroduced U6 into Africa through a process of remigration. The study further indicated that U6b1a was likely introduced to the Canary Islands during the initial wave of settlement by the Guanches, while U6c1 was suggested to have arrived in a second wave. However, regarding the Iberomaurusians, different genetic studies have resulted in different interpretations: Firstly, in 2018, van de Loosdrecht et al. performed aDNA tests on the remains of from Grotte des Pigeons site near Taforalt in north-eastern Morocco, dated to between 15,100 and 13,900 cal BP, revealing they are composed of a Holocene West-Eurasian/Levantine component (63.5%), a Hadza hunter-gatherer component, and a West African component, suggesting early migration and admixture during the Paleolithic period (30-15 kya). According to van de Loosdrecht, the West Eurasian component shows the relative closest genetic affinity for ancient Epipalaeolithic Natufian individuals. When compared against modern populations, the Taforalt individuals form a distinct cluster and do not cluster genetically with any modern population; however, they were found to cluster between Middle Easterners or modern North Africans and West/East Africans. Iosif Lazaridis et al. (2018), on the other hand, as summarized by Rosa Fregel (2021), contested the conclusion of van de Loosdrecht (2018) and argued instead that the Iberomaurusian population represented by the Taforalt sample can be better modeled as an admixture between a Dzudzuana-like (West-Eurasian) component and an ancient North African component, that may represent an even earlier split than the Basal Eurasians. Iosif Lazaridis et al. (2018) also argued that Iberomaurusians contributed to the genetic composition of Natufians instead of vice versa, and that this Iberomaurusian lineage also contributed around 13% ancestry to modern West Africans rather than Iberomaurusians having ancestry from an unknown Sub-Saharan African source. According to the previously mentioned study by Pereira et al. in 2010, the maternal haplogroup H1, which is also prevalent among Canarian aboriginals, was suggested to have been brought to North Africa during the Holocene by migrants from Iberia. These individuals may have contributed to the formation of the Capsian culture. In a study conducted by Fregel et al. in 2015, the mtDNA of the Gomerans was examined. The analysis revealed that 65% of the Gomerans carried the maternal haplogroup U6b1a. This finding suggests that the Gomerans are likely descended from the earliest wave of settlers who arrived in the Canary Islands. Additionally, the study suggested that the maternal haplogroups T2c1 and U6c1 may have been introduced during a second wave of colonization that impacted the other islands in the archipelago. It is worth noting that U6b1a is present among 44% of modern-day Gomerans, indicating a significant genetic continuity between the ancestral aboriginals and the present-day population of the island. The research determined that Gomerans possess the highest proportion of aboriginal ancestry among all modern Canary Islanders. In a study conducted by Ordóñez et al. in 2017, the remains of numerous aboriginals from El Hierro, known as Bimbaches, were examined. These individuals were buried at Punta Azul on El Hierro, dating back to the period between 1015 and 1200 AD. The analysis focused on 16 samples of Y-DNA extracted from the remains. The paternal haplogroups identified were E1a (1 sample), E1b1b1a1 (7 samples), and R1b1a2 (R1b-M269) (7 samples). Additionally, all the extracted samples of mtDNA belonged to the maternal haplogroup H1-1626. The findings indicated that the Bimbaches were descendants of the initial wave of settlers who arrived in the Canary Islands. Significantly, they lacked the paternal and maternal lineages associated with the hypothetical second wave of Guanche migration. This suggests a distinct genetic and ancestral profile for the Bimbache, highlighting their unique position within the broader Berber population of the islands. The study contributes to our understanding of the population dynamics and genetic diversity among the Guanches, specifically the Bimbache of El Hierro. By analyzing the Y-DNA and mtDNA samples, it provides insights into the paternal and maternal lineages present in this particular group, shedding light on their historical origins and genetic heritage. In a study conducted by Rodríguez-Varela et al. in 2017, the autosomal DNA (atDNA) of 11 aboriginals buried at Gran Canaria and Tenerife was examined. The analysis revealed interesting genetic findings, including the extraction of 3 samples of Y-DNA that all belonged to the paternal haplogroup E1b1b1b1a1 (E-M183). Additionally, the 11 samples of mtDNA extracted belonged to various maternal haplogroups, namely H1cf, H2a, L3b1a (3 samples), T2c12, U6b1a (3 samples), J1c3, and U6b. The study determined that the examined Canarian aboriginals displayed genetic similarities between the 7th and 11th centuries AD. They showed closest genetic affinity to modern North Africans. However, there was a tendency, particularly among individuals from Gran Canaria, to occupy a distinct genetic space outside of the modern Northwest African variation, exhibiting closer proximity to Europeans. This finding supported the notion that the Guanches descended from a Berber-like population that migrated from mainland North Africa. Interestingly, the genetic analysis also revealed that the ancient Canarians shared genetic similarities with modern Sardinians. In some models, the Canarian aboriginals were found to be more closely related to modern Sardinians than to modern North Africans. They were identified as carriers of Early European Farmer (EEF) ancestry, suggesting a potential spread of this ancestry from Iberia into North Africa during the Neolithic period, or perhaps even later. Furthermore, one Canarian aboriginal displayed ancestry related to European hunter-gatherers, providing additional evidence of prehistoric gene flow from Europe. Based on the data, it was estimated that modern Canary Islanders derive approximately 16-31% of their autosomal DNA from the Canarian aboriginals. In a study conducted by Fregel et al. in 2018, the remains at the Late Neolithic site of Kelif el Boroud in Morocco, dating back to approximately 3780-3650 BC, were examined. The Canarian aboriginals were found to be genetically very similar to the Kelif el Boroud people. The Kelif el Boroud individuals were modeled as having equal genetic contributions from people buried at two Neolithic sites: Ifri N'Ammar in Morocco (5325-4786 BC) and the Cave of El Toro in Spain (5280-4750 BC). The study thus determined that the Kelif el Boroud people possessed 50% Early European Farmer (EEF) ancestry. This ancestry likely spread from Iberia to North Africa during the Neolithic period, potentially associated with the Cardial Ware culture. Following the Kelif el Boroud population, additional European ancestry might have been introduced to the region from Iberia by individuals associated with the Bell Beaker culture. A review conducted by Fregel et al. in 2020 further identified European Bronze Age ancestry in the aboriginal Canarians. This observation could be explained by the presence of Bell-Beaker pottery in the North African archaeological record, suggesting cultural and genetic connections between Iberia and the ancient Canarians. The study also hinted at a certain degree of admixture, possibly associated with trans-Saharan migrations. In a study conducted by Fregel et al. in 2019, the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) of 48 Canarian aboriginals buried across all the islands of the Canary archipelago was examined. The analysis revealed a diverse range of maternal lineages among the aboriginals, reflecting genetic contributions from North Africa, Europe, and the Near East. The most common maternal lineages were of Eurasian origin, with a particular concentration around the Mediterranean region. It was suggested that some of these Eurasian haplogroups had arrived in the Canary Islands through migrations during the Chalcolithic and Bronze Age periods from Europe. The study found that genetic diversity was highest on Gran Canaria, Tenerife, and La Palma, while Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, La Gomera, and El Hierro exhibited lower diversity. Furthermore, significant genetic differences were detected between aboriginals from the western and eastern islands, providing support for the hypothesis that the ancient Canarians descended from two distinct migration waves. An interesting finding was that 40% of the examined aboriginals belonged to the maternal haplogroup H. This haplogroup is widespread in Europe and signifies a significant genetic connection between the Canarian aboriginals and European populations. In a recent study conducted by Serrano et al. in 2023, genome-wide data from 49 Canarian aboriginals was analyzed, providing valuable insights into their genetic ancestry. The findings revealed the presence of significant genetic contributions from different populations. The study modeled their ancestry as comprising an average of 73.3% Morocco Late Neolithic, 6.9% Morocco Early Neolithic, 13.4% Germany Bell Beaker, and 6.4% Mota ancestry. Of particular interest was the identification of Germany Bell Beaker ancestry, which reached 16.2% in samples from Gran Canaria and 17.9% in samples from Lanzarote. This suggests a notable genetic connection between the Canarian aboriginals and the Bell Beaker culture that spread across Europe during the Bronze Age, between 2800 and 2200 BCE. Social structure The indigenous Canarian society was characterized by a patriarchal and matrilineal structure, with distinct social strata primarily based on wealth, particularly livestock ownership. Each island was divided into territories ruled by a guanarteme (in the case of Gran Canaria) or mencey (in the case of Tenerife). This is attested by early medieval Europeans, who simply translated mencey as "king": el Rey se llamaba Mencey the king was called mencey — Friar Alonso de Espinosa - 1594 Mencey, que es rey Mencey, who is king — Friar Alonso de Espinosa - 1594 un rey, a quien ellos llamaban Mencey a king, whom they called mencey — Leonardo Torriani - 1590 al rey llamaban Mencey they called the king mencey — Juan de Abréu Galindo - 1632 The etymology of the word mencey might be, as proposed by Ignacio Reyes, *manzay "main, first", therefore with a similar meaning to Latin princeps. The menceyes maintained the purity of their blood, marrying only the high island nobility, even marrying brothers. The succession was fraternal, that is, when a Mencey died his brother inherited, and so on until, once the lateral line was over, the position returned to the eldest son of the first brother. When the mencey was elected, he swore before the tagoror, an assembly made up of nobles and elders. During the ceremony the chosen one kissed the bone of the oldest of his lineage saved for this purpose and then, placing the bone on his head, he swore saying: Agoñe yacoron yñatzakaña chacoñamet, which meant "I swear by the bone of that day when you became big." The class system varied across the islands, but the clearest description has been identified for Gran Canaria and Tenerife, where it can be summarized into two main categories: nobles (including several subcategories) and commoners. Among the high-ranking nobles, purity of bloodline was a significant factor, and the attainment of mencey status required proving one's pure lineage. According to Juan Núñez de la Peña's account, Tenerife had three distinct social groups: Noble and aristocrat: achimencey < *ašimenzey, "successor of the mencey" Soldier and servant: cichiciquitzo < *šičizikkičo, "descendant of the hair", figuratively "wealthy quality" Commoner: achicaxna < *ašikkasnay, "descendant of the shorn", figuratively "humble quality" The nomenclature, which is derived from the presence or absence of hair, is directly related to the social differentiation which was represented by physical appearance, with noble men having beards and long hair, while commoners had them shaved. Also, according to Bethencourt Alfonso, the clothing was different for nobles and villains. It is worth noting that the terminology used to identify these different categories bears similarities to that of medieval Europe. This can be attributed to the chroniclers extrapolating social organization terminology from medieval Europe to the insular context: the achimencey was compared by the first historians with the medieval hidalgo, a member of Spanish nobility; the cichiciquitzo was compared with the escudero or squire; and the achicaxna with the pebeyo or villano, or commoner. Hauía en esta Ysla tres estados de gente, hidalgos, escuderos, y víllanos. Alos hidalgos llamaban, Achimensey, y alos escuderos, cíchícíquíco, y alos víllanos Achicasnay. Al rey llamaban Mancey, y de aquí, como quien dice quelos hidalgos proceden dela Casa real, los llamaban Achimencey. Decían al rey Queuehiera, quando hablaban con el, y es como tratarle de su AltezaTranslation: There were three classes of people on this island, nobles, squires, and commoners. They called the noblemen Achimensey, and the squires, cíchícíquíco, and the commoners, Achicasnay. They called the king Mancey, and from here, as they say that the nobles come from the royal House, they called them Achimencey. They referred to the king as Queuehiera, when they addressed him, which is like calling him His Highness— Juan de Abréu Galindo - ca. 1590 The political and social structures of the aboriginals exhibited variation across different islands. For instance, in Gran Canaria, there was a system of hereditary autocracy based on matrilineality, while other islands had elective forms of government. On Tenerife, the kings owned all the land and would lease it to their subjects. Within Gran Canaria, suicide was considered honorable, and it was customary for one of the subjects to willingly sacrifice themselves by throwing themselves off a cliff when a new king was installed. The guanarteme or mencey likely owned a significant portion of the livestock, and it is also speculated that they held control over the quarries for sourcing raw materials for stone production. To maintain this hierarchical system, which relied on the service of others, the aboriginals instructed their children through stories that explained the origins of social inequalities, believed to be of divine nature. According to one of these stories, God created individuals and provided them with the necessary livestock. However, upon deciding to create more people, God observed that they lacked livestock. Consequently, when the new individuals asked God for livestock, He replied, "Serve others, and they will provide for you." This narrative is said to be the origin of the commoner status. Justice was administered in public squares (tagoror in Tenerife and sabor in Gran Canaria) by a group of notable individuals. According to early visitors to the islands, the justice system was known for its extreme severity. It was said that insulting a woman with a weapon was a serious crime punishable by death. Evidence of female infanticide and while some islands adhered to monogamy, some others practiced polyandry. These practice have been interpreted as a cultural adaptation to resource scarcity, serving as a means of population control. The cultural structure of the aboriginals bore similarities to that of other ancient peoples who remained isolated for centuries, such as the Maori of New Zealand or the Aboriginal Australians. The existence of other offices are also known in the ancient Canarian societies, such as artisans, healers, priests, and embalmers. Lifestyle Economy The ancient Canarians were mainly a livestock farming people, and therefore economy was largely based on shepherding, whereas agriculture was more developed in Gran Canaria. On most of the other islands, fishing and agriculture were carried out on a small scale. Tienen una habilidad extraña, y es de notar que, aunque sea gran cantidad de ganado y salga de golpe del corral o aprisco, lo cuentan sin abrir la boca, ni señalar con la mano, sin faltar uno. Y para ahijar el ganado, aunque sean mil reses, conocen la cría de cada cual y se la aplican.Translation: They have a strange skill, and it is noteworthy that, even though it might be a large amount of cattle that comes out of a pen at once, they count them without opening their mouths, without missing one.— Friar Alonso de Espinosa - 16th century Tambien tienen los naturales de estas islas una habilidad extraña que, aunque sea gran cantidad de ganado y saliese de golpe de un corral, lo cuentan sin abrir la boca ni señalar con el dedo, que visto cómo lo hacen, es tenido en mucho. Es gente de gran memoria.Translation: The aboriginals of these islands also have a strange skill; even if a large amount of cattle comes out of a pen together, they can count them without opening their mouths or pointing with their fingers. These people have amazing memories.— Friar Juan de Abréu Galindo - 16th century Their livestock consisted mainly of goats, called ara, and sheep, called haña. The goats were of two types: one with closed horns and a small udder, and the other with open horns and a larger udder. The sheep, on the other hand, were of an African type with smooth hair and a woolly tail. They also introduced pigs of an archaic type and small-sized dogs called cancha. Archaeological sites have also revealed remains of cats and hedgehogs, suggesting that these animals were part of the indigenous diet as well. The aboriginals practiced transhumant pastoralism. The shepherds from the southern part of the island constantly moved their herds throughout their territory, while those from the northern part engaged in seasonal transhumance, moving to the high mountains around Las Cañadas del Teide in summer and utilizing the pastures of the midland and coastal areas in winter. The inhabitants of the Anaga and Teno massifs, which were isolated areas, restricted their movements to the mountains in their immediate surroundings. From their livestock, apart from consuming meat, which they ate partially roasted without accompaniment, they obtained milk or ahof. They used the milk to make butter called oche and cheese. Agriculture was developed as a complementary and rudimentary rain-fed practice. They cultivated barley or tamo, wheat or irichen, and various legumes such as broad beans and peas, known as hacichey. With the cereals, once the grains were toasted and ground, they made gofio, also called ahoren by the Guanches. Gofio was consumed mixed with water, milk, or butter. They also made porridge by cooking ground wheat with milk and butter. The presence of agriculture was more significant in the northern territories of the island due to better climatic conditions, which allowed for irrigation-based cultivation. The land belonged to the king or mencey, who distributed it for usufruct among the members of the community. The small-scale gardens were located in the mid-altitude areas between 200 and 400 meters above sea level, within the domain of the thermophilic forest, where better climatic conditions prevailed, and near the habitation caves. The crops were protected from animals by wooden or stone fences. Historians describe the aboriginals' method of sowing. Espinosa mentions that "with goat horns or wooden shovels, they dug or, rather, scratched the soil and sowed their barley. This was done by the men, as everything else, including storing it in granaries or caves, was the women's job." The harvest took place between July and August. The collection of natural resources such as fruits, seeds, and roots was also an important supplement. The collected fruits and berries included bicácaros, figs, blackberries, fruits of the strawberry tree, the Canary Island palm, the faya tree, and the mocán tree. The pine nuts from the Canary Island pine were also consumed. With the mocán fruits or yoyas, they made a type of honey called chacerquen, which was used as a medicinal remedy for intestinal problems. The rhizomes of various fern species—Pteridium aquilinum, Pteris arguta, and Pteris longifolia—were also used as food, and gofio was made from them. Other natural products exploited by the aboriginals included honey from wild beehives and sea salt. The exploitation of marine resources was also significant. They gathered species such as limpets, sea snails, sea urchins, and crabs, and they fished in the intertidal zone using bone-made hooks. Hunting various types of birds, such as pigeons (Columba livia, C. junoniae, and C. bollii) and shearwaters, as well as lizards and feral pigs, completed the indigenous subsistence mode. Impact on the insular ecosystems For a long time, it has been believed that the Canary Islands' indigenous people had little influence on the Canary Islands' environment. However, archaeological sites demonstrate that they had both direct and indirect negative impacts. Predation of native animals, the introduction of domestic plants and animals, and agriculture changed the ecology of the islands, leading to the extinction of several species. Likewise, the livestock activity and forestry exploitation caused the retreat of the thermophilic forests. In Tenerife, there is evidence (pollen remains) indicating the past existence of at least two tree species that are currently absent from its forests: an oak (Quercus sp.) and a hornbeam (probably Carpinus betulus). These species seem to have started declining when the first settlers arrived on the island, either due to selective logging, burning, grazing, or agricultural development carried out by the indigenous people. In Las Cañadas del Teide, archaeological charcoal deposits show a change in vegetation, transitioning from forests dominated by Canary Island pine (Pinus canariensis) and Canary Island juniper (Juniperus cedrus) to being composed of shrub species such as retama de cumbre (Spartocytisus supranubius) or escobón (Chamaecytisus proliferus). This is likely also due to logging. On the island of Fuerteventura, there is evidence of currently extinct tree species that used to form forests, such as the viñátigo (Persea indica) or the madroño (Arbutus canariensis), as well as other species that now only survive in residual form, such as the laurel (Laurus azorica) or the paloblanco (Picconia excelsa). These species, which require high levels of humidity, are identified in charcoal remains from fires lit by the indigenous people between the 4th and 7th centuries. On Lanzarote, the finding of Turdus sp. at the El Bebedero site could indicate the past existence f wooded areas, since the common blackbird (Turdus merula cabrerae) inhabits this type of habitat. On the northern slope of El Hierro and in some areas of La Gomera, archaeological evidence shows the past presence of the Canary pines, now disappeared from these areas due to intense logging. Evidence of soil erosion caused by overgrazing or agricultural use has also been found in places such as the Cendro settlement in Gran Canaria or various areas of Lanzarote. The indigenous people also influenced the fauna through predation. It is known that they consumed several animal species that are now extinct, such as the Malpaís shearwater (Puffinus olsoni), the Canarian quail (Coturnix gomerae), the giant lizards of Tenerife and La Palma (Gallotia goliath and G. auaritae), the giant rats of Tenerife and Gran Canaria (Canariomys bravoi and C. tamarani). In the case of the dune shearwater (Puffinus holeae) it is likely that they became extinct upon their arrival due to consumption. There is also evidence of the presence of seabirds of the genus Pterodroma and Eurasian goshawk (Accipiter gentilis) on El Hierro. Similarly, remains of sea eagles (Haliaeetus sp.) have been found in two sites in Fuerteventura and one in El Hierro. The malpaís mouse (Malpaisomys insularis), which used to live on the islands of Fuerteventura and Lanzarote, became extinct during this period, and it most certainly happened due to the introduction of the house mouse, which also fed on the seed of native plants. Other animals were exploited without being driven to extinction, but were extirpated in large areas. An example is the monk seal (Monachus monachus), which disappeared in the island of Fuerteventura and only persisted on the Islote de Lobos. Similarly, the red billed chough (Pyrrhocorax pyrrhocorax), which currently only remains on La Palma, was driven toextinction on Tenerife, La Gomera and possibly El Hierro. The aboriginals used to fish and gather shellfish, and drove the species Dentex canariensis to near-extinction, today only surviving in the waters near the African coast, causing a size reduction in the species Sparisoma cretensse. These phenomena indicate the environmental pressure produced by the aboriginals. Attire The ancient inhabitants of the Canary Islands had distinct clothing and ornamentation. Their attire consisted of garments crafted from goat skins or woven from plant fibers known as tamarcos, which have been discovered in Tenerife tombs. They had a penchant for adorning themselves with necklaces made of wood, bone, and shells, fashioned in various designs. Beads made of baked clay, cylindrical in shape and coloured predominantly in black and red, were commonly found. These clay objects, referred to as pintaderas by the Castilians, were proposed by René Verneau to have been used for body painting in different colours. Weaponry The weaponry of was adapted to the island environment, utilizing materials such as wood, bone, obsidian, and stone. Influences from medieval European weaponry can also be observed. Common armaments included javelins measuring 1 to 2 meters in length, known as banot on Tenerife, as well as polished round stones, spears, maces (referred to as magado and sunta in Gran Canaria and Tenerife, respectively), and shields. Shields in Tenerife were small, while those in Gran Canaria, called tarja, were human-sized and made from drago wood, adorned with geometric patterns. Following the arrival of Europeans, the aboriginal nobility in Gran Canaria were known to wield large wooden swords called magido, larger than the European two-handed swords, which were said to be highly effective against both infantry and cavalry. Wooden weapons were hardened through the application of fire. Additionally, they possessed obsidian knives known as tabona. Language The original language is now only preserved in a few sentences and individual words, with additional information provided by various place names. Many linguists today argue that it is part of the Berber branch within the Afroasiatic language family. Although certain Berber words, particularly related to agriculture, can be recognized in the language, no Berber grammatical inflections have been found. In fact, there is a significant amount of vocabulary that bears no resemblance to Berber whatsoever. There are also notable similarities between the counting systems of Insular Berber and other Berber languages. Some authors suggest that the Canarian branch could be a sister branch to the surviving continental Berber languages, diverging during the early stages of the language family's development and before the terminus post quem for the origin of Proto-Berber. Writing systems The aboriginals of the Canary Islands were an almost entirely oral society in which memory and oral communication perform all the functions of which reading and writing have in a literate society. However, the Berber natives did have two writing systems which were used for brief messages: an abjad brought by the first settlers from the mainland; and a locally developed alphabet of Latin influence. Libyco-Berber or Libyc script The Libyco-Berber script, also known as the Libyc script, is an ancient abjad writing system that was utilized by various Berber peoples of North Africa and the Canary Islands during the first millennium BC. It served as a means to write ancient variations of the Berber language, such as the Numidian language in ancient North Africa. The Libyco-Berber script can be found in thousands of stone inscriptions and engravings across regions including Morocco, northern Algeria, Tunisia, northern Libya, and the Canary Islands. Additionally, there are inscriptions of the later Saharan variant within rocky outcrops in Mali and Niger. Among the numerous small inscriptions, several well-known and significant examples of Libyco-Berber inscriptions include the Massinissa Temple and the Prince Ateban Mausoleum, both located in Dougga (Arabic:دُقَّة  Duqqah; Tunisian Arabic: دُڨَّة Duq̇q̇ah; Latin Thugga; Libyco-Berber: tbgg < Berber tbg "to protect"?; Punic: 𐤕𐤁𐤂𐤂 tbgg, 𐤕𐤁𐤂𐤏𐤂 tbgʿg < Phoenician "in the roof terrace"?) in northern Tunisia. Other noteworthy inscriptions include Azib n'Ikkis and Oukaïmeden (Berber: ⵓⴽⴰⵢⴻⵎⴷⴰⵏ Ukayemdan), both located in the High Atlas Mountains of Morocco. Throughout the existence of the ancient Berber kingdoms of Numidia (northern Algeria, 202 BC–40 BC) and Mauretania (northern Morocco, 3rd century BC – 44 AD), numerous inscriptions were engraved using the Libyco-Berber script. While the majority of these inscriptions were simple funerary scripts, examples of rock art, cave art, graffiti, and even a few official governmental and potentially religious inscriptions have been discovered. The origin of the Libyco-Berber script remains a subject of debate among academic researchers. Several theories have been put forward to explain its origins. One prominent view suggests that it is a heavily modified version of the Phoenician script or a local invention influenced by Phoenician script. This theory is widely supported and suggests that the Libyco-Berber script was developed based on a local prototype that drew conceptual inspiration from the Phoenician or archaic Semitic model. However, there are other less plausible theories that propose Greek, Punic, or even South Arabian influences on the script's development. Libyco-Berber may have gradually disappeared in the Canary Islands with the development of the distinct prehispanic cultures, and it declined in northern areas of Africa during or after the reign of the Roman and Byzantine empires. However, it persisted and spread southward into the Sahara Desert, evolving into the Tuareg Tifinagh alphabet, which the Tuareg Berbers still employ to this day. The alphabets of the Tuareg use characters called tafinəɣ (singular of tifinaɣ). The root of this word, fnɣ, is for some a Berberised feminine plural form of the Greek term Φοίνῑξ (Phoínīx “Phoenician”) or the Latin term Punicus (“Carthaginians”, i.e. Western Phoenicians), through the addition of the feminine prefix ti- to the root √fnɣ. Thus, the term “Tifinagh” could possibly mean "the Phoenician [letters]" or "the Punic [letters]." Both the Greek and Latin terms for “Phoenician” are probably derived from Ancient Egyptian fnḫw, likely the term for Phoenicians, which literally meant “carpenters, woodcutters.” There are three similar variants of Libyco-Berber script: The Eastern variant (Numidian): This variant was used in modern-day Qusanṭīnah and Awrās regions of Algeria and Tunisia. It is the best understood variant, due to the Numidian bilingual inscriptions at Duggah (Libyco-Berber: "tbgg"), KAI 100 and KAI 101. It had 24 letters, of which 22 have been deciphered. The Western variant: This variant was used along the Mediterranean coast from Kabylia to the Canary Islands. It used 13 supplementary letters. Writings from Garafía (La Palma), El Julán (El Hierro) or Balos (Gran Canaria) are identified as virtually identical to the Libyco-Berber script from North Africa brought by the first aboriginals. Approximately 6000 Libyco-Berber signs have been recovered throughout all of North Africa, and over 1000 Libyco-Berber signs in total have been found on the Canary Islands alone. However, they were much more common on some islands than others, with El Hierro possessing more than half of them. El Hierro (>500 signs): It includes various carvings from the island like La Caleta, Tejeleita, El Julán or Los Signos, as well as the well-known "chajasco" (funerary table) from Guarazoca. Gran Canaria (232 signs): The horizontal inscription from Roque Bentaiga is of doubtful origin, since it is speculated it might be recent. La Gomera (82 signs): It includes the writings from Las Toscas del Guirre. It is very likely that many more are to be found on this island. Majo (>190 signs): It includes carvings from both Lanzarote and Fuerteventura, as these two islands probably shared the same culture. Here, another type of script developed, Latino-Canarian or Libyco-Canarian script, of Latin influence. La Palma (>9 signs): The only inscriptions that have been found are the ones at Tajodeque, located at 2000 meters above sea level on the inner walls of the Caldera de Taburiente, and on the "Berber Idol" found at Buracas, the only case of Libyco-Berber inscriptions on terracotta on the Canary Islands. Tenerife (>9 signs): The only inscriptions are located at Cambados and Cabuquero. The Libyco-Berber script was a pure abjad, lacking distinct vowel symbols. However, it included equivalents for "w" and "y," and "h" may have served as a mater lectionis for "a" as well. Gemination, the doubling of consonant sounds, was not indicated. The writing direction was typically bottom-to-top, although right-to-left and other variations were also observed. The letters had different forms when written vertically compared to horizontally, and they exhibited highly geometrical shapes. [Characters of the Libyco-Berber abjad, adapted from Springer 2014 and Mora Aguiar 2021. Letters have been sorted in the order of the Phoenician alphabet. | Libyco-Berber, líbico-bereber, líbico-beréber, Latino-Canarian, latino-canario, Libyco-Canarian, líbico-canario] In North Africa, on the other hand, at an unknown date, the appearance of Libyco-Berber changed dramatically. All phonemes except 6 were represented by completely new characters. This new alphabet is called Tifinagh. Evidence for Tifinagh is found on thousands of rock inscriptions across North Africa, but only a very few in Morocco. This restriction may be the reason for the fact that no Tifinagh inscriptions are found in the Canary Islands. The most obvious feature of this alphabet is the appearance of dotted signs in addition to linear ones. The only inscription from the Canary Islands which can be related to this stage of evolution of Libyco–Berber script is the one at the site of Llano de Zonzamas in Lanzarote, that surprisingly contains the following sequence (zɣrɣ): The inscription at Llano de Zonzamas in Lanzarote, which reads zɣrɣ, and possesses a dotted variety of the letter ɣ which is normally linear. Though common in Tifinagh, this is the only recorded case for the Libyco-Berber script in the Canary Islands. Latino-Canarian or Libyco-Canarian script Substantial evidence supports the occurrence of contact between the Romans and the indigenous inhabitants of Fuerteventura and Lanzarote in the Canary Islands. A particularly significant piece of evidence is the presence of an ancient Roman factory on Islote de Lobos, a small islet situated between Lanzarote and Fuerteventura. This factory was specifically dedicated to the extraction of purple dye from the mucus of two mollusk species belonging to the Muricidae family: Stramonita haemastoma and Hexaplex duplex. During this period of contact, the Berber communities residing on the eastern islands of Lanzarote and Fuerteventura developed a distinct script known as the Latino-Canarian or Libyco-Canarian, influenced by Latin. Unlike the older script, this script was a true alphabet, comprising both consonants and vowels, and was characterized by the use of numerous ligatures. Across the Mediterranean and beyond, there are other examples of scripts that emerged as a result of foreign influences. One such example is the Greco-Iberian alphabet, which directly adapted the Ionic Greek alphabet to the specific phonemes of the Iberian language, differing from the predominantly semi-syllabic paleohispanic scripts. Another illustration is the Bactrian alphabet, which also evolved from the Greek alphabet but differed significantly from other Iranian scripts that were primarily derived from Aramaic. Industry Pottery This Benahoaritan pot from La Palma is classified as Phase IIb (between 400 and 650 AD) and was found in Los Guinchos, Breña Alta (former Tedote). It syncronizes the solar and lunar calendars. The pot is decorated with creases grouped in bands that sum a total of 365 lines which coalesce towards a spiral located in the center, which seems to symbolize the sun. Displayed at the Museo Arqueológico Benahoarita. A Benahoaritan pot of Phase IIIb, dated at 500 AD. Displayed at the Museo Arqueológico Benahoarita. The ancient Canarians produced simple pottery, often undecorated or embellished with fingernail indentations. According to written sources of the 16th century, pottery was an office of women. Chemically, pure clay is a hydrated aluminum silicate. When combined with water, it creates a moldable mass. Contact with air and boiling produce a loss of mass and hardening of the material. However, pure clay is not ideal for pottery. Before combining it with water, it is mixed with other types of soil and degreasing substances to give it a greater consistency. The chosen soils are then mixed and milled. Later, it is cleaned by sifting, and organic substances are eliminated. Only then it is mixed with water and then the mix is allowed to set for several days. In order to substitute the pottery wheel, a technique called coil method, in which coils of clay are used to build bowls by placing a coil along the edge of a foot base. This technique is still widely used by the Berbers of North Africa. Patterns and decoration are drawn with beach stones and punches fashioned out of bone or wood. Technological development The ancient Canarians lived in a Neolithic society, and they are best defined by having an advanced cultural development and a poor technological development. It should be noted, however, that their low technological development is determined by two factors: the environmental circumstances the aboriginals found upon their arrival to the islands, with raw materials being very scarce and metals absent given the islands' volcanic origin; and the total isolation from the influence of other cultures, which is one of the main motors for technological progress for civilisations on the continent. In spite of this, the aboriginals were culturally developed, which, for a great part, they owe to their Berber heritage from North Africa. On the islands there are characters engraved in rock (and one example on clay) written in not only one but two different writing systems, the first one, called the Libyco-Berber script, which was an abjad in which only consonants are represented (such as Arabic and Hebrew), and the second one, called the Latino-Canarian script, which was a full alphabet with explicit characters for vowels. Libyco-Berber was brought by the first Berber settlers to the Canary Islands, but the Latino-Canarian alphabet, however, was developed locally on the islands of Lanzarote and Fuerteventura. The indigenous societies of the archipelago oriented and astronomically aligned some sanctuaries and observation points, shrines, temples and even necropolises. The relationship between the rising and setting of the Sun, the Moon and some planets and stars with elements of the landscape of the islands and with their orographic profile over the ocean, allowed them to establish calendars, organize food-producing activities, social practices and their believes. As examples we can mention the complex of El Julan in El Hierro, the rock station of Masca in Tenerife, the almogaren of Bentayga, the great tumulus of La Guancha, Cuatro Puertas and Artenara in Gran Canaria, the site of La Fortaleza, Alto de Garajonay and the Toscas del Guirre in La Gomera, the Lomo de las Lajitas in La Palma and Tindaya in Fuerteventura. Unlike most ancient cultures that emerged around isolated oceanic islands, such as the South Pacific, no archaeological or documentary evidence of the existence of seafaring vessels or navigational knowledge has been found in the Canary Islands. The chronicles of the first Europeans who arrived in the Canary Islands record the fact that the Guanches had completely lost their knowledge of navigation, so that the different islands remained isolated from each other for centuries, developing different cultural modes. However, a source from military engineer Leonardo Torriani tells us that sometimes the natives of Gran Canaria made boats to fish or commit pillage on other islands. Medicinal practices The ancient Canarian aboriginals had both medical therapy—making use of animal and herbal resources—and surgical therapy. Medical therapy Medicine of animal origin The animal resources employed included animal fat, goat's milk, and bone marrow. Animal fat (cream obtained from churning, kneading, and maturing the milk of goats and sheep) was used in the treatment of a wide range of ailments, as recorded in written sources. According to Abreu and Galindo (1977 [1602]): […] y sajábanse con pedernales muy agudos cuando les dolía, y se quemaban con fuego; y allí se untaban con manteca de ganado […] la cual sirve para medicina Translation: [...] and when they felt pain, they would cut themselves with sharp flints, and they would burn themselves with fire; and then they would anoint themselves with animal fat [...] which serves as medicine — Juan de Abréu Galindo - 1602 Verneau (1891) mentioned two ways of using fat: aged fat, generally used as an ointment for external ailments through friction, and fresh fat, which could be used topically after boiling it and applying it to the affected area. Another common resource was goat's milk. Chil y Naranjo (1876) and Verneau (1891) mentioned its use as a laxative, to be consumed on an empty stomach, either with cream or mixed with the honey of the mocán, palm, or other herbs. Bosch Millares (1961) states that sour and "skimmed" milk was used as an adjunct in the treatment of dysentery (bloody diarrhea) and various types of bleeding. Lastly, there is bone marrow, which is found inside the long bones of animals. Its potential therapeutic use is not made clear in the chronicles: estando enfermos, se curaban con tútanos de las cabras Translation: when they were sick, they would cure themselves with goat's marrow [...] — Juan de Abréu Galindo - 1602 What is clear, however, is its use as food due to its high nutritional value, which varies depending on the species in question. Herbal medicine There are some plants whose remains have been found in archaeological sites on the island or have been mentioned in chronicles and general histories, which can be used for therapeutic purposes. Among them, the following stand out: Dracaena draco, whose resin , known as "dragon's blood," was used for wound healing and burns. Euphorbia canariensis, which was dried and the resulting powder was used to burn off hair and warts. Euphorbia balsamifera, chewed like gum for oral diseases. Euphorbia lamarcki, which is toxic and was used as a poultice to cauterize skin infections, treat chronic arthritis, and reduce inflammation caused by old, poorly healed dislocations and fractures. Juncus acutus, which was used in the immobilization of fractures and was also introduced into wounds along with boiling goat fat, possibly for cauterization purposes. Pistacia atlantica, which is useful for oral infections. Visnea mocanera, one of the best-known plants, from which honey, called chacerquen, was obtained and used to treat the so-called "mal de cámara" (gastroenteritis) and side pain (possibly pneumonia), which were two of the most common pathologies among the Guanches. Convolvulus scoparius, which according to Torriani (1980 [1594]), was a good remedy against poisons through smoking: […] Hay un árbol muy oloroso, cuyo humo, además de ser de suave olor, es medicinal y contra ponzoña, que llaman ligno aloe […] Translation: [...] There is a very fragrant tree, whose smoke, besides having a pleasant odor, is medicinal and counteracts poisons, which they call ligno aloe [...] — Leonardo Torriani - 1594 These plants have been identified either through archaeological findings or mentioned in historical records and were utilized by the aboriginals for various therapeutic purposes. Surgical therapy Surgical Therapeutics of the Guanches encompassed cephalic practices and traumatology. There were three types of cephalic practices: trepanation, scarification, and cauterization. Trepanation Trepanation is one of the oldest surgical practices, with cases dating back to the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods, found on almost every continent but limited to specific population groups (Aufderheide & Rodríguez Martín, 1998). It is also the most well-known cephalic practice in the Canary Islands, although not the most common. It was used by the aboriginal people either for magical-religious purposes or as a therapeutic practice. Trepanation involves creating an opening (Photo 2) to connect the interior of the cranial cavity with the exterior, using lithic instruments (stone). The procedure could serve various purposes. The success of this technique depended on avoiding damage to the meninges, brain, and blood vessels to prevent infections, brain damage, and hemorrhages. One intriguing aspect noted by different researchers, starting with Luschan's analysis in 1896, was the high survival rate among trepanned individuals and the low frequency of infectious complications (Rodríguez Martín, 1991). Pérez (1980-81) described a skull from Barranco de Guayadeque (Gran Canaria) with minimal survival, which was the only case with such circumstances. Likewise, evidence was found indicating a minor infection during the healing process of trepanation in only two cases, one male and one female skull. In the Canary Islands, trepanation was practiced in Tenerife, La Gomera, La Palma, and Gran Canaria. The skulls have openings located on the frontal and left parietal bones, and in some cases (less common), on the sagittal suture that divides the two parietal bones. The frequency of this practice is very low. For example, among 1066 Guanche skulls studied in Tenerife, trepanation was found in less than a dozen cases, predominantly in males. To perform trepanation, tabonas (blunt-edged instruments) and basalt flakes with irregular points were used. The external opening was always larger than the internal one, and the general morphology was usually elliptical, except in two cases with irregular contours, where a drilling technique was employed, typically with an oblique approach axis. However, in skulls where the opening was made with a highly irregular point, an oscillating motion was used. It is important to note that the exact motivations and beliefs behind trepanation among the ancient Canarian aboriginals are not fully understood, but it may have served various purposes, including both magical-religious and therapeutic reasons: Magical-religious beliefs: Trepanation was believed to have spiritual and mystical significance among the Guanches. It was thought to allow the release of evil spirits or negative energies from the body, thereby providing spiritual healing. The procedure was often accompanied by rituals and ceremonies conducted by the shaman or religious figures. Healing and medical purposes: Trepanation was also used as a therapeutic practice to address specific medical conditions or ailments. It was believed that creating an opening in the skull could help alleviate symptoms or treat conditions such as headaches, epilepsy, mental illnesses, or even physical injuries. Trepanation was seen as a way to restore balance and harmony within the body. Symbolic or social significance: Trepanation may have held symbolic or social significance within the aboriginal society. It could mark important life events, such as initiation rituals or rites of passage. It might have also served as a form of status or identity marker, distinguishing individuals within the community. Cauterization Cauterization involved the superficial burning of a specific body part for therapeutic purposes. It was the most common surgical practice among the Guanches and was performed by applying boiling animal fat or heating red-hot lithic materials. It was the most effective method for stopping bleeding. The resulting marks on the skulls were often oval, circular, or irregular grooves (Photo 3). In pre-Hispanic Tenerife, it was more common in the south (12.7%) than in the north (5.1%), and it occurred much more frequently in men than in women. In contrast to trepanation, numerous cases were associated with cranial fractures (11.6%) and severe craniofacial infections, especially sinusitis (Rodríguez Martín & Martín Oval, 2009). Bloodletting or Scarification This technique involved making small incisions in the skin to cause bleeding in a specific body part, either by cutting the veins or using leeches. It was a common practice worldwide, and the Guanches used obsidian tabonas for scarification. In Guanche skulls, scarifications were found on the frontal and parietal bones. The cranial incisions were usually bilateral, although cases were observed where they were only performed on the left side. In all instances, they were found in adult male skulls. Scarification was observed in association with skull fractures, but no infectious complications were observed. Traumatology The most striking pathology among the Guanches is the traumatic one, more so due to violence than accidents. Written chronicles already mention conflicts among them related to livestock theft and territorial invasion. This is confirmed in the skeletal record. If we focus solely on the skulls, we can observe that 7-8 percent of the population in Tenerife, especially males, present injuries from fractures or spear thrusts, which is an extremely high proportion. Due to the frequency of injuries, the indigenous population had a high percentage of fractures and dislocations of the limbs, which were generally well-healed. This indicates treatment involving reduction and some degree of immobilization and rest, although their limited anatomical knowledge made this practice challenging. In Tenerife, it is unknown how fractures were immobilized and treated, but in Barranco de Guayadeque in Gran Canaria, an apparatus was found for immobilizing fractures. It consisted of a skin wrap on the outer side, with bandages made of Juncus and resin-coated leather strips, covering a splint made of tabaiba that supported a fractured forearm (Chil y Naranjo, 1900). Settlements The indigenous Canarian people primarily lived in natural caves or volcanic tubes, although in areas where cave dwellings were not feasible, they built small round houses forming villages and, according to the Castilians, practiced crude fortification. There are notable differences in the type of habitat depending on the island. For example, in Lanzarote, the dwellings, which formed settlements, were generally constructed using dry stone and topped with a false vault, following a construction scheme similar to the "casas hondas" documented in the Middle Atlas region. On the other hand, in Gran Canaria, we find both surface settlements, as seen in the archaeological park of Cueva Pintada in Gáldar, and cave dwellings, either natural or carved into the stone, such as the cases of Ansite or Guayadeque. In the remaining islands, the most common habitat was natural caves. There were settlements where Europeans later founded cities and towns, such as Añazo (Santa Cruz de Tenerife), Aguere (San Cristóbal de La Laguna), and Candelaria in Tenerife; and in the case of Gran Canaria, Agaldar (Gáldar), Telde, and Agüimes, among others. On the island of Tenerife, the Archaeological Zone of the Cueva de los Guanches stands out, where the oldest settlements on the island have been found, providing the oldest chronologies in the archipelago. Dating back to the 3rd century BC, it has been a significant discovery. The Caves of Don Gaspar are also noteworthy due to the finding of carbonized plant remains, confirming the practice of agriculture in Tenerife during the times of the Guanches. Both sites are located in the municipality of Icod de los Vinos. Other important settlements were situated near the Cueva de Chinguaro (Güímar) and the Cueva de Achbinico (Candelaria). These two caves seem to have had a religious function, as the Guanches worshipped the Virgin of Candelaria as their goddess Chaxiraxi. On the island of Gran Canaria, the main settlement center was Agaldar, known today as Gáldar, until the division occurred with the establishment of the Telde guanartemato. Religion & mythology Deities Supreme god The ancient inhabitants of the Canary Islands were part of a deistic culture, as they held a belief in a Supreme Being who created and sustained the world, residing in the heavens above. Across all the Canary Islands, the sky was revered as the abode of this Supreme Being. Scholars, including Professor Juan Álvarez Delgado, propose that this belief may have been influenced by the continuous interactions between the aboriginals and Mediterranean sailors since the 14th century. Additionally, the efforts of Christian missionaries may have played a role in shaping their spiritual outlook. However, other researchers, like Jesús M. Fernández Rodríguez, suggest that the aboriginals fused their indigenous notions of a tribal divinity, often characterized as omnipresent and universal, with the concept of the Christian God. The Guanches referred to this supreme divinity by various names depending on the island. In Gran Canaria, they called it Acorán or Alcorac, while Abora was the name used on La Palma, and on Tenerife the Guanches had a supreme god, called Achamán, and a supreme goddess, called Chaxiraxi. Jean-Baptiste Bory de Saint-Vincent documented the name Althos for Lanzarote and Fuerteventura, although subsequent historians like Dominik J. Wölfel cast doubt on its accuracy. As for the belief system of the Guanches from La Gomera, traditional historical sources provide limited information. Engineer Leonardo Torriani suggests that they worshipped a creature resembling a black, furry, bipedal dog, which they referred to as Hirguan (possibly related to the iruene of La Palma). Torriani also mentions a Gomeran seer named Eiunche, who sought to enlighten his fellow islanders about the true god, named Orahan, residing in the celestial realm, while identifying Hirguan as his adversary. However, Professor Alejandro Cioranescu argues that Torriani's account may have been influenced by confusion with events from the neighboring island of El Hierro. Divine dyad Among the aboriginal people of El Hierro and Tenerife, the concept of a "divine couple" appears in their beliefs, which, in both cases, after the conquest, were syncretized with the Christian principles of God/Jesus and the Virgin Mary. The Bimbaches, for instance, believed in a masculine principle called Eraorahan, meaning "the one who is in the burning or shining," which was worshipped by men. They also believed in a feminine principle called Moneiba, meaning "smoking brightness," which was venerated by women. On the other hand, the Guanches of Tenerife believed in two main divinities, equally male and female. The supreme god, representing a creative and sustaining principle, was referred to by different names according to their attributes: Achamán, meaning "the Sparkling One"; Achuhurahan, meaning "behold the one who is in the burning or shining"; Achuhucanac, meaning "behold the one who is in the rain"; Achguayaxerax, meaning "behold the spirit/origin that sustains the universe"; Atguaychafanataman, meaning "behold the spirit/origin of the lightning's light"; or Achuguayo, meaning "the one who is spirit/origin." The supreme goddess was Chaxiraxi, meaning "the one who carries or supports the firmament," also known as Achmayex Guayaxerax, meaning "behold his mother, the Spirit that sustains the universe." According to Diego Cuscoy, this was a conservative female principle that the Guanches associated with the image of the Virgin of Candelaria, who appeared on the beaches of Güímar. Worship of celestial bodies The worship of celestial bodies was also practiced by the aboriginal people of all the Canary Islands. The sun was known as Magec, at least in Tenerife and Gran Canaria, and it is possible that it had a feminine character. One interpretation of the term is ma-aɣeq ("mother of radiance") or m-aɣeq ("she who has radiance"). This is in accordance with Berber continental cults (although there are exceptions). Magec seems to have been a central part of their devotions, and they made their oaths in its name. Evidence of this solar cult can be found in various rock engravings on the islands of Tenerife and La Palma, as well as in decorative motifs on pottery and clay objects from Gran Canaria, consisting of radiating circular figures. Recent archaeological research has also discovered the alignment of certain sites with the sunrise or sunset on solstices and equinoxes. In addition to the Sun goddess, the aboriginal people worshipped the Moon god (considered masculine in continental Berber mythology) and certain stars. To some researchers, the goddess Chaxiraxi was related to the moon and fertility, while for others she would be linked to the sun. She was analogous to the the Punic goddess Tīnnīt (Punic: 𐤕𐤍𐤕 tnt)—herself equivalent to the Phoenician goddess ʿAštārt (Phoenician and Punic: 𐤏𐤔𐤕𐤓𐤕 ʿštrt)—and romanized as Juno Caelestis. Other deities Aranfaybo, was a beneficial entity that took the form of a pig and mediated between the Bimbaches and their god during rain propitiatory rituals. Malignant deities In Tenerife, Gran Canaria, and La Palma, the aboriginal people believed in an evil principle called Guayota, Gabiot, and Iruene, respectively, which appeared to them in the form of large, shaggy dogs. These creatures were called tibicenas in Gran Canaria, while in Tenerife, the physician and historian Juan Bethencourt Alfonso mentioned the existence of other entities called Guañajé, Canajá, and Jucancha, protective deities of goats, sheep, and dogs, respectively. It was believed on these two islands that these malevolent genies inhabited the depths of the earth and volcanic areas, with the Guanches considering the inside of Mount Teide, which they called Echeide, as the location of hell. Pliny the Elder recorded Juba II's discoveries in his Natural History, written in 77 AD. He specifically referred to the huge dogs on the island of Canaria (Gran Canaria). Some speculate the ferocious dogs that were encountered on Juba's expedition in the Canary Islands were in fact seals, then called canēs marīnī, as the islands were home to dense populations of monk seals (Monachus monachus), now critically endangered. This was probably what struck the ancient Romans the most who established contact with these islands by sea, along with the numerous stranded whales. However, the aboriginals worshiped dog-like demons in most of the islands, including Gran Canaria, La Palma, La Gomera and Tenerife—known as Tibicena, Iruene, Hirguan and Jucancha, respectively. Furthermore, the aboriginals possibly mummified their dead along with dogs, as attested by findings at Llano de Maja in Las Cañadas del Teide. As a matter of fact, in the Barranco de Santos, Las Cañadas del Teide and Cañada de Pedro Méndez in Tenerife, and the Barranco de Guayadeque in Gran Canaria, skulls of unknown dogs of a great size have been found that date from before the arrival of the Castilians, which means their mythology might have been based on reality. The Guanches, the aboriginal people of Tenerife, believed these demon dogs are the sons of the devil, Guayota, the evil dark god. According to their mythology, one day Guayota abducted the goddess Magec, the sun, and took him inside the Teide volcano and plunged the world into darkness, until the sky god Achamán rescued him. During that long night, the tibicenas were born, appearing as if from nowhere. Fleeing from the harmful sun, they made the caves and the deepest ravines their home, digging deep into the mountains during the day, eager to flee from the light. It was said that in the ravines, pain and death awaits, because the tibicenas lurked there during the night, burning the darkness with the fire of their eyes and filling the air with their howls. The aboriginals made them offerings of food and honey, placing them in the crevices up high, where these evil spirits lived. Whenever something bad happened, or they appeared to someone of a high status, even bigger offerings were made, like goats and sheep. Afterlife The worship of the dead was especially unique, with burials accompanied by offerings or grave goods, demonstrating the belief of the aboriginal people of the Canary Islands in the survival of the soul. The practice of mummifying corpses on the island of Tenerife is particularly noteworthy. Mummies have also been found in Gran Canaria, La Gomera, El Hierro, and La Palma, although they were preserved through natural processes. Regarding the beliefs themselves, the English knight Sir Edmond Scory indicates that the Guanches believed that the souls of the wicked remained inside Mount Teide, while those of the good and brave dwelled in the valley of Aguere. On the other hand, the Majos believed that the spirits of their ancestors, known as Maxios, lived in the sea and approached the coast in the form of clouds during the summer solstice. Meanwhile, the aboriginal people of Gran Canaria believed that human souls originated from the Sun, and that their resting place is the fields of delight: en otro lugar que llaman campos o bosques de deleite están los encantados llamados Maxios i que allí están viuos i algunos están arrepentidos de lo mal que hicieron contra sus próximos y otros desuaríosTranslation: in another place they call fields or forests of delight, there are enchanted beings called Maxios who are alive, and some are repentant for the wrongs they did to their fellow beings and other misdeeds— Pedro Gómez Escudero Priests The aboriginals had priests or shamans who held a special connection with the gods and operated within a hierarchical structure. These spiritual leaders played a vital role in the aboriginal society, serving as intermediaries between the people and the divine realm. They possessed deep knowledge of religious rituals, ceremonies, and healing practices, and their positions within the hierarchy were determined by their level of spiritual wisdom and experience. In Tenerife, the spiritual advisor to the mencey (king) who oversaw worship was known as the guadameñe or guañameñe. Similarly, on Gran Canaria, the faycán held the responsibility of guiding spiritual and religious practices. In both Tenerife and Gran Canaria, women played integral roles in worship as well, known as maguadas or arimaguadas, and they actively participated in certain rituals. Notably, on Tenerife, there were priests known as kankus, who were specifically tasked with the worship of ancestor spirits and maxios (benevolent minor gods or genies, or domestic spirits and guardians of specific places). Idolatry A large number of aboriginal idols have been found on the islands, such as the Tara idol in Gran Canaria, the Guatimac idol in Tenerife, or the Zonzamas idol in Lanzarote. Similar figurines have also been discovered in the Cave of the Idols (Fuerteventura), La Palma, El Hierro, and La Gomera. In general, these idols usually represent fertility or protective spirits. The aboriginal idols resemble those found in the Neolithic period of Greece, the Cycladic islands, Cyprus, Crete, and Ancient Egypt, where statuettes and pottery markings appear together. Benahoaritan anthropomorphic terracotta figurine from La Palma. Benahoaritan terracotta figurine from La Palma. Benahoaritan zoomorphic terracotta figurine from La Palma. One of the first historians to talk about the aboriginal idols was Juan Bethencourt Alfonso, an inhabitant of Tenerife, who offers the following description of the idol called Guatimac found in the 19th century in the Barranco de Herques between Güímar and Fasnia on Tenerife: Uno que hemos examinado del farmacéutico del Puerto de la Cruz, Don Ramón Gómez, encontrado en 1885 en una grieta de una cueva del barranco de Erques en Fasnia, envuelto en pieles como todos los hallados, es un poco más pequeño, pero, aunque es de la misma familia se trata de un guatimac o séase como dice el vulgo, "del muñeco de barro" que a guisa de pectoral llevaban colgados al cuello los sacerdotes guañameñes y samarines. El símbolo o idolillo de que nos ocupamos es de barro cocido, aunque la torrefacción resulta desigual y de un color blanco amarillento. La figurilla está incompleta por haberse roto un pequeño trozo de lo que pudiera llamarse bóveda craneana, o mejor capacete, como lo indica la interrupción del perfil, y la línea de puntos señala el sitio, hacia el cuello, donde le atraviesa un agujero para pasar la correa y a fin de llevarla colgada. La figurilla es aplastada de delante a atrás y de un grueso en dicho sentido de 6 a 7 milímetros, menos en la base que tiene un centímetro.Translation: One that we have examined, from the pharmacist of Puerto de la Cruz, Don Ramón Gómez, found in 1885 in a crevice of a cave in the Erques ravine in Fasnia, wrapped in skins like all the others found, is slightly smaller. Although it belongs to the same family, it is a guatimac or, as the common people say, a "clay doll" that the Guanche priests of Guanama and Samara wore as a pectoral hanging around their necks. The symbol or idol we are discussing is made of baked clay, although the firing is uneven and of a yellowish-white color. The figurine is incomplete because a small piece, which could be called the cranial vault or better yet, the cap, as indicated by the interruption of the profile, has broken off. The dotted line indicates the location where a hole passes through the neck for the strap to pass through and hang it. The figurine is flattened from front to back and has a thickness in that direction of 6 to 7 millimeters, except at the base, which measures one centimeter.— Juan Bethencourt Alfonso, Historia del Pueblo Guanche Syncretism with Christianity With the arrival of the Spanish conquistadors and the subsequent colonization of the Canary Islands, the aboriginal beliefs underwent a process of syncretism with Christianity. The Catholic Church played a significant role in this process, as it sought to incorporate and integrate the indigenous population into the Christian faith. Many of the indigenous deities and concepts were assimilated into Christian practices, often by associating them with Christian figures. For example, the image of the Virgin of Candelaria, which was highly revered by the Guanches, became a focal point of Christian devotion on the island of Tenerife. The figure of the Virgin Mary was associated with the Guanche goddess Chaxiraxi, and the Christian God and Jesus were linked to the masculine principles worshipped by the indigenous people. Sacrifices This is a very little-known trait of the ancient aboriginals, but both archaeological evidence and chronicles have confirmed that they practiced both animal and human sacrifices. During the summer solstice, the Guanches from Tenerife had the custom of slaughtering a portion of their livestock and throwing it into a bonfire until the smoke rose to the sky. Juan Bethencourt Alfonso, however, claimed that the young goats were thrown into the fire alive with their legs tied so that their bleating could be heard by their deity. Animal sacrifices were also performed on the other islands. Regarding human sacrifices, Bethencourt Alfonso mentions that "there was a time when human victims were immolated on the island altars," referring to the sacrificial killing of a child during the summer solstice. In fact, it was customary for the Guanches of Tenerife to throw a live child off the Punta de Rasca cliff at sunrise during the summer solstice. At times, these infants came from any menceyate (kingdom) on the island, including the most distant one, Anaga. This suggests that it was a common practice throughout the island. Other types of human sacrifices are also documented, particularly associated with the death of the mencey (king), where adult men would plunge into the sea. The embalmers who prepared the mummies also had the custom of throwing themselves into the sea one year after the mencey's death. In Gran Canaria, bones of children mixed with those of kids have been found. Likewise, in Tenerife, amphorae have been found with the remains of children inside. This is evidence of another type of ritual infanticide than those who were thrown overboard. On La Palma, the Idafe Rock, a tall phonolitic rock located at the heart of the Caldera de Taburiente, was considered by the Benahoarites as an axis mundi and worshipped it. They believed that if it should collapse, catastrophies would befall the world. They made offerings of animal offal to avoid it, and they would sing the following chant: I iwiḍa, i iywan? IḍafKk ger-t; iywan tar-u Translation: And Idafe, does it fall [or] is it satiated?Go and toss it; [so] it is satiated soon. This ritual is recounted by several authors: Y tenian tanto temor no cayese y los matase, que no obstante que aunque cayera no les podia dañar por estar las moradas de ellos muy apartadas; por solo el temor acordaron que de todos los anímales que matasen para comer diesen aYdafe la Azadura; y assí muerto el anímal, y sacada la azadura / se yban con ella dos personas, y llegados donde el roque decían, cantando el que lleuaba la azadura Y Yguída, y Yguan Ydafe, que quíere decír: Dice que caerâ Ydafe. Y respondía el otro cantando: Que guerte yguan taro: que quíere decír, dalelo que traes, y no caerâ. Dícho esto la arrojaba, y daba conla azadura, y seyban, la qual quedaba por pasto para los cuerbos, y quebrantahuesos, que en estaYsla llamaban Guírres. Translation: And they were so afraid that it would fall and kill them, even though if it fell it could not harm them because their dwellings were very far away; only out of fear, they agreed that from all the animals they killed for food, they would give the entrails to Ydafe. So, once the animal was dead and the entrails were removed, two people would take them and go to the place where the cliff was, singing as they went, the one carrying the entrails would sing Y Yguída, y Yguan Ydafe, which means: "It is said Ydafe will fall." And the other would respond by singing: Que guerte yguan taro, which means: "Give what you carry, and it will not fall." After saying this, they would throw the entrails, and they would fall on the ground, leaving them as food for the ravens and ossifrages, which are called "guirres" on this island. — Juan de Abréu Galindo - 1590 Yguida iguan Aidefe Quegueire Iguantaro — Marín - 1694 Y Iguida, y Iguan, Idafe Guegerte, y guantaro — George Glas - 1764 Yguida Yguan Idafe Guerye Yguan Tanó — Viera - 1772 Rites and celebrations The Beñesmen or Beñesmer was the most important festival of the ancient aborigines of the Canary Islands, mainly among the Guanches of the island of Tenerife. It was the name given to the month of August before the Castilian conquest in the 15th century, also extending to the harvest celebrations that took place during that time. The philologist and historian Juan Álvarez Delgado proposes that the meaning of Beñesmer is “second month,” “second lunar cycle,” or “second measure,” derived from the primary form beñe-smet or beñ-i-smet, where smet corresponds to the indigenous denomination for the number two, as described by the explorer Niccoloso da Recco in Gran Canaria. Ignacio Reyes suggests that the translation of Beñesmer would be 'the one that evaporates, consumes, or ends,' deriving it from a possible primary form wənna əsmer. It also appears in documentation with the forms beñasmer, begnesmet, benismer, and benismen. The traditional authors Juan de Abréu Galindo and Leonardo Torriani state in their works from the late 16th century that Beñesmer was the name of the month of August, noting that it was the time when the aboriginals harvested their crops of barley and wheat. Another contemporary author, Fray Alonso de Espinosa, does not use the term but indicates that: Cuando hacían su agosto y recogían los panes, hacían juntas y fiestas en cada reino, como en agradecimiento del  bien recibido, y eran estas fiestas tan privilegiadas, que aunque hubiese guerra se podía pasar de un reino a otro seguramente a ellas.Translation: When they made their 'August' and harvested the bread, they held gatherings and festivities in each kingdom, as a sign of gratitude for what they had received, and these festivities were so privileged that even during times of war, one could safely travel from one kingdom to another to attend them. Thus, the use of the term Beñesmer has been extended to designate the harvest festivals that take place during the summer months, characterized by grand banquets and various games. On the other hand, Tomás Arias Marín de Cubas indicates that Beñasmer or the first moon of August marked the beginning of the year according to the Guanche calendar. For the historian and physician Juan Bethencourt Alfonso, Beñesmer referred to the legislative assembly of aboriginal society, composed of what he called the 'Great Tagoro' and the 'Body of Chaureros,' institutions formed by the nobles of each kingdom. Their attributions were extensive, with the author stating that they 'oversaw, regulated, and legislated on all matters related to the life of a people under a socialist-communist regime.' These assemblies were celebrated for nine days during the third decade of April, the second decade of August, and the third decade of December. According to some authors, the festivities held in honor of the Virgin of Candelaria during the month of August in the homonymous town are a syncretized remnant of the ancient Beñesmer celebrations of the indigenous people. Burials and mummification or mirlado The ancient Canarian mummies, known as xaxos /'ʃaʃos/, mirlados /miɾˈla.ð̞os/ (“embalmed ones”) and enzurronados /ensuroˈna.ð̞os / (“leather-bagged ones”), and  are intentionally desiccated remains of the indigenous Guanche people, ancient inhabitants of Tenerife, also known as the Canary Islanders. The mummification process took place before the archipelago was conquered by the Crown of Castile in the 15th century. The embalming methods used were similar to those used in Ancient Egypt, but few ancient Canarian mummies remain due to looting and desecration. Pre-Hispanic mummification in the Canary Islands was concentrated in Tenerife. There is a debate about the true nature of the mummies found on the island of Gran Canaria, with some researchers suggesting that there was no genuine intention to mummify the deceased and that the good preservation of some of them is due to environmental factors. The mummies from La Palma are preserved due to these environmental factors, whereas the existence of mummification is not confirmed in La Gomera and El Hierro. In Lanzarote and Fuerteventura, this practice is excluded. The best-preserved and most studied mummies are found in Tenerife. In 1933, the Guanche necropolis of Uchova was discovered in the municipality of San Miguel de Abona, estimated to have contained between sixty and seventy-four mummies before it was almost completely looted. Physical examination of the Guanche mummies in Tenerife revealed that they were relatively tall, with an average height of 1.70 meters for males and 1.57 meters for females. They were generally robust in build. The oldest mummified remains in the Canary Islands were found on the island of Tenerife and date back to the 3rd century AD. Medieval Spanish explorers who arrived on the islands in the 14th century reported that low-status individuals were buried in sandy graves, while members of the upper class were mummified and placed in isolated caves. One of these mortuary caves could contain up to a thousand mummies, but many have disappeared over time, largely due to the popularity of "mummia," a pharmaceutical substance made from powdered mummies. Mummification was carried out by groups of Guanche men and women, and the process varied according to the sex of the deceased. Due to the nature of the work, Guanche culture considered these individuals to be impure. Through scientific analysis, three methods of mummification have been discovered: evisceration, preservation, and packing. These methods were used in different combinations depending on the time period in which the mummy was created. The mummification process involved the removal of internal organs, preservation through the use of substances such as resins and local plants, and the wrapping of the body in animal skins. The number of animal skins used to wrap the deceased corresponded to their social status, with kings being wrapped in up to fifteen skins. Petroglyphs The rock carvings, i.e. petroglyphs, in the Canary Islands have been created using various techniques. The most commonly used technique is through the incision with a sharp object that leaves a V-shaped profile on the rock. Discontinuous pecking involves creating impact points with a percussive tool. Afterwards other treatment techniques could have been used to polish and regularize the grooves, as is the case in the station of La Zarza (Garafía, La Palma), where some motifs were abraded to remove traces of pecking. In these cases where these points are connected, it is referred to as continuous pecking. The pecking technique was most likely made through indirect percussion, using a hammer and chisel, and only the simpler motifs could have been made with direct percussion. Another technique employed is the abrasion or wearing down of the rock surface through friction. Before the final motif was created, the design was probably scratched on the stone. Some scholars assert the tools used to create these engravings were most likely lithic instruments. No specific tool was used, any pointy stone harder than the supporting rock would suffice. This required the tool to be constantly replaced as it would wear down quickly. Apparently, any stone could have been used to carve, as no artefacts were found at the sites. On the other hand, other scholars claim that due to the hardness of the volcanic rock these engravings were made on, metal had to be used, and since the islands lack metal deposits, this means the aboriginals never severed their ties with the continent. Rock engravings on the Canary Islands represent different patterns and motifs, and can be divided among the following types: Alphabetic: They are written in two scripts, the Libyco-Canarian abjad (the entire archipelago) and the Latino-Canarian alphabet (Fuerteventura and Lanzarote). Geometric: They are the most common and widespread type on the archipelago. They appear in different forms, including linear (Risco Bisechi, Arona, Tenerife), circular, spiral (La Zarza, Garafía, La Palma), cruciform, rhomboid, and chequered (La Hoya, San Miguel, Tenerife). Anthropomorphic: They represent stylized human forms. They are not common and are only known in Gran Canaria (Barranco de Balos, Agüimes) and Tenerife (Aripe, Guía de Isora). Zoomorphic: They represent animals, such as lizards (Barranco de Balos, Agüimes, Gran Canaria), fishes, bulls (Cañada de los Ovejeros, El Tanque, Tenerife), and horses. They are likewise rare. Podomorphic: They are footprint-shaped, sometimes possessing finger-like fringes on the top. They are frequent in Fuerteventura (Montaña de Tindaya, La Oliva) and in North Africa. Naviform: They are representations of boats and ships. These are found in locations with great visibility, and generally on the southern slopes of the islands. Most rock engravings on the Canary Islands are alphabetic, written in the Libyco-Berber script that was brought by the first settlers from North Africa. Palman geometric petroglyphs One of the impressive circular petroglyphs, called "Rosetón", of La Zarza, Garafía, La Palma. Circular petroglyphs at La Zarza, Garafía, La Palma. Circular petroglyphs at La Fajana, La Palma. These engravings are the most remarkable of this station, and occupy a privileged situation in the panel. The perimeter of the upper motif is composed by two concentric circles from which 20 lines coalesce towards a central circle. The lower motif is smaller and simpler, with three concentric circles with meandriform lines in its interior. Meandriform petroglyphs on volcanic rock at Buracas, La Palma. Spiriform petroglyphs on volcanic rock at Buracas, La Palma. Spiriform petroglyphs at El Verde, La Palma. Spiriform petroglyphs at El Verde, La Palma. A spiriform petroglyph on volcanic rock at Buracas, La Palma. Without a doubt, La Palma is the island that possesses the largest amount of petroglyphs in the Canary Islands, and are therefore its most notable archaeological remains. La Palma has a great amount of petroglyphs, most of which have complex geometric designs. The immense majority can be classified into four types: circular, spiriform, meandriform and linear petroglyphs. Sometimes, these designs can be combined into spectacular ensemble of great beauty, like panel nr. 19 of the site La Zarza, known as the "rosetón", and considered as the Sistine Chapel of the Canarian rock art. A special feature of these engravings is the fact that, even though sometimes the designs might be similar, they are all unique. The greatest concentration of carvings are located in Garafía and El Paso, and the third most important nucleus would be the ridge of the Caldera de Taburiente. Dispersed nuclei include those of Mazo, Fuencaliente, Santa Cruz de La Palma, Puntallana, Tijarafe and Puntagorda. It is evident that these petroglyphs show striking similarities to the so-called “megalithic” signs, like the ones that cover the inside of the cairn of Gavrinis in France. Some scholars tried to search for these roots of an “Atlantic culture,” but there is no evidence of such a connection so far whatsoever. On the other hand, it is no secret that North African rock art provides thousands of examples which show an obvious similarity to Canarian ones. Curvilinear geometric designs have been found in the Atlas Mountains in Morocco, and incorporate vertical expanding concentric ovals flanked at either side by a design of half concentric ovals. They were pecked into large stepped sandstone blocks resting on sandstone bedrock. The chronology of the Palman petroglyphs is problematic. In any case, three phases are established: the initial, intermediate and final phases. In the initial phase, the carvings are of great perfection and had an abrading finish in order to regularize and polish the grooves. The most complex engravings of a wide array of themes are included in this phase. The intermediate phase also possesses complex engravings, but the grooves are less regular and the abrading technique was abandoned, hence the percussion traces are still noticeable. The final phase includes a series of motifs that were made by people that had arrived during conquest, at the end of the 15th century. The representations are simpler and the themes are less varied. What does seem clear is that their rock art was brought by the earliest settlers in 500 BC from Northwest Africa. Perhaps, their initial lack of knowledge of the island's environments and its limited resources made them want to perform religious practices that were meant to promote rainfall or fertility, of which the petroglyphs might have been part of. This would explain the initial complexity and perfection of the petroglyphs. Over time, the indigenous population would adapt to their new environments, and even though these practices were not at all abandoned, they were less elaborate. The most widely accepted theories talk about a cult either to fertility and the goddess of springs and water, or to a solar cult. In point of fact, many stations are located near springs and water, but also on promontories, near caves or on pastures and routes. Canarian podomorphs Podomorphs are petroglyphs that, as their name indicates, resemble a foot or several foots. They're rectangular with sepparated strokes to represent the toes, although some carvings are oval or without any digitations. Strokes in the inside of the contour might be representing footwear. The largest concentration is located on Mount Tindaya, in Fuerteventura, with 312 carvings registered. Similar carvings have been found on other islands, like the Piedra del Majo in Lanzarote, and also in El Julán in El Hierro, Barranco de Balos in Gran Canaria and El Roque de Bento and El Roquito in Tenerife. Boat representations or naviform petroglyphs Representations of boats have been carved all over the Canary Islands, but in most cases they were dated to several years before the arrival of the Europeans to the archipelago, to the exception of a hippos, a Phoenician ship, carved in the site of El Calvario (Garafía, La Palma). Aboriginal genetics in modern Canarians The conquest of the Canary Islands, despite intense colonization efforts and a relatively small native population, concluded abruptly without subsequent wars or significant losses from epidemics and violence. Today, a significant portion of the modern Canarian population can trace their ancestry back to the aboriginal Berbers, highlighting the enduring influence of the indigenous people on contemporary Canarian society. A genetic research article published in 2003 in the European Journal of Human Genetics, written by Nicole Maca-Meyer, compared the aboriginal mitochondrial genome (collected from Canarian archaeological sites) to that of present-day Canarians. The study concluded that despite the continuous changes that the Canarian population has undergone since the 15th century, when the archipelago was conquered by Spain (Spanish colonization, slave trade), indigenous mitochondrial DNA still represents a significant percentage [42-73%] in the Canary Islands. According to the article, both percentages were obtained through two estimation methods, but the study itself suggests that the more reliable percentage is 73%. Based on historical and anthropological data from the islands, at least two-thirds of the Canarian population have indigenous ancestry since the late 16th century. Maca-Meyer suggests that the historical evidence is compatible with the explanation of a "strong sexual asymmetry." She indicates that pairings between European men and indigenous women were common, especially after the significant male mortality among the indigenous population during the conquest. Consequently, native men decreased considerably in number due to war, while a significant number of Spanish men remained on the islands and married local women. Canary Islanders adopted Spanish names, surnames, language, and religion, thus becoming Hispanicized. It is important to note that although the Spanish were the conquerors of the Canary Islands, they were not the only colonizers. The islands were repopulated by Spanish, Portuguese (whose numbers surpassed those of the Spanish during the 16th century), French, Flemish, and Italian (especially Genoese) settlers, who, after learning Spanish, mixed with the population. According to a study conducted in 2005, despite the geographical proximity between the Canary Islands and Morocco, the male genetic lineage of the Canary Islands population is predominantly of European origin. In fact, almost 67% of the haplogroups are the result of people from Eurasia. As expected, the Spanish conquest brought the European genetic base to the current male population of the Canary Islands. However, the second most significant haplogroup family is of North African origin, from the Near and Middle East. The Y-DNA haplogroups include haplogroup E (14% if including the 7% of haplogroup E-M81 found in the general Berber population), E1b1a (2%), J (10%), and T (3%). These haplogroups account for approximately 27% of the island's population. Even if some of these "Eastern" haplogroups were introduced by the Spanish, it can be assumed that a significant portion of this rate was already present at the time of the conquest. In 2009, Fregel estimated that, based on the frequency of the Y chromosome and mitochondrial DNA, the contribution of Guanche women and men to the current population of the Canary Islands was approximately 41.8% and 16.1%, respectively. Mitochondrial DNA Maternal lineages in terms of mitochondrial DNA are characterized by the prevalence of North African lineages, followed by European lineages, and finally, to a small percentage, Sub-Saharan lineages. According to various studies, the percentages are as follows: Autosomal DNA The earliest whole-genome data of pre-Hispanic inhabitants from the 7th to the 11th century shows that the aboriginal people were genetically similar over time and had the closest genetic affinity to existing Northwest Africans, supporting the hypothesis of a Berber origin. It is estimated that the aboriginal population has contributed 16-31% of autosomal ancestry to the modern inhabitants of the Canary Islands (Rodríguez-Varela et al. 2017). Sources (Coming soon.) Keywords #guanches #benahoaritas #CanaryIslands #IslasCanarias #archeology #arqueología #history #prehistory #MuseoArqueológicoBenahoarita

The Cumbre Vieja is an active volcanic ridge on the island of La Palma in the Canary Islands, Spain. It reaches a height of 1,949 m above sea level at the vent of La Deseada. The spine of Cumbre Vieja trends in an approximate north–south direction, and covers the southern half of La Palma, with both summit ridge and flanks pockmarked by over a dozen craters. Since about 125,000 years ago (~125 ka), all subaerial eruptions on La Palma have been associated with the Cumbre Vieja, with eruptions ranging over the whole 25-kilometre-long ridge. Submarine surveys show that the Cumbre Vieja continues south of Punta de Fuencaliente (the "Point of the Hot Source"), but no volcanic activity connected with the submarine extension has yet been observed. Cumbre Vieja, meaning 'Old Summit', is in fact older than its younger counterpart Cumbre Nueva, which in turn means 'New Summit.' This paradox is owed to the fact that in mainland Spain, rugged mountain ranges with sharper summits—such as the Cantabrian Mountains—were traditionally referred to as 'new', whereas softer, eroded landscapes—such as the Galician Massif—were referred to as 'old'. While this naming system is geologically accurate in mainland Spain, it has lead to an incoherent interpretation in the Canary Islands. Due to orographic similarity and not because of their geological genesis, the older, rugged mountain ridges of La Palma—the Caldera de Taburiente and Cumbre Nueva—were considered to be new, and the softer mountain ranges pockmarked by recent volcano eruptions—Cumbre Vieja—were considered to be old. Prehistorical eruptions Eruptions in the last 7,000 years have originated from abundant cinder cones and craters along the axis of Cumbre Vieja, producing fissure-fed lava flows gushing abruptly to the sea. ~125 ka: Formation of the volcanic ridge of Cumbre Vieja. 6,050 BCE ± 1,500: Eruption. 4,900 BCE ± 50: Eruption. 4,050 BCE ± 3000: Eruption of l'Amendrita and Birigoyo. 1,320 BCE ± 100: Eruption of La Fajana. 360 BCE ± 50: Eruption of El Fraile. 900 CE ± 100: Eruption of Nambroque II-Malforada. Subhistorical and historical eruptions From the first contacts of the European navigators who first visited the Canary Islands around the 15th century, 18 eruptions have occurred, of which 7 took place on La Palma. They mostly produced light explosive activity and lava flows that damaged the populated areas. On every occasion, alcaline basaltic lavas were emitted: true basalts, ankaramites and/or basanitoids. A differentiation process always took place in the magma chamber and a sequence from amphibole to olivine-bearing lavas was erupted. These variations of the chemistry and mineralogy of the lavas were related to the different stages of the eruption and the height over sea level where the corresponding eruptive vents opened. The duration of these historic eruptions ranges between 1 and 3 months, and the area covered with lava and pyroclasts is 39 km², 5.5% of the total surface of the island. The 7 historic eruptions of La Palma have occurred in the southern half of the island, known as Cumbre Vieja, which spans from El Paso to the southernmost tip of the island in Fuencaliente. All eruptions began after a more or less prolonged period of earthquakes, whose magnitude never exceeded 6 on the Richter scale. These quakes were always restricted to some zones of the island, and increased their intensity and frequency on the days and hours preceding the eruptions. The eruption starts with the opening of little fissures of the ground following directions prefixed by the main structural patterns of the island. From the first moments, this fissuration is accompanied by the emission of gases and small lava fountains from several points along the whole extension of the main fissure that can attain several kilometers in length. Within a short time during the first hours of the event, these multiple incipient volcanic vents remain restricted to a few ones, increasingly active, where the construction of heaps of tephra increasingly grow and coalesce to the typical volcanic cones with their corresponding craters. When the fissure opens in a terrain with a considerable slope and in its direction, high pressure lava fountains, pyroclastic materials and gases are emitted from the higher volcanic vents, while from the lower vents only more or less degasified lava pours out with a much lower explosivity. This pattern is more noticeable when the difference in height of the volcanic vents is greater, and the duration of the eruption is long-lived. In the most typical instances, the higher vents grow to volcanic cones a couple of hundreds of meters, while in the lower ones, only some eruptive fissures with outpouring lava remain. This pattern is very clear in eruptions such as that of Tigalate, El Charco, San Juan and Tajogaite, where the difference in height of the vents is very noticeable. During the course of the eruption, it is also frequent that secondary cracks and fissures develop near the main volcanic vents, following also the main structural trends of the island. The eruption continues with changes in the activity of the several vents, until suddenly and without a marked and gradual decrease of the explosivity and lava outpour, the activity practically ceases. Subsequently, the entire eruptive area suffers a period of slow degasification, gradually becoming weaker in the following 2 or 3 years. After this period, all volcanic manifestations cease, starting a new eruption, after an irregular period of time that normally lasts for several years, in other parts of the same island. Subhistorical eruptions are represented by a single event: Tacande, Tacante or Montaña Quemada: VEI 2, 1470-92, 462 ha (unknown duration). Historical eruptions on La Palma occurred as follows: Tehuya, Tahuya, Tihuya, Roques de Jedey or Los Campanarios: VEI 2, 1585, 24×10⁶ m³, 400 ha, 84 days. San Martín, Tigalate or Tagalate: VEI 2, 1646, 26×10⁶ m³, 610 ha, 82 days. San Antonio: VEI 2, 1677-78, 66×10⁶ m³, 446 ha, 66 days. El Charco or Montaña Lajiones: VEI 2, 1712, 41×10⁶ m³, 535 ha, 56 days. San Juan (western vent of Llano del Banco and eastern craters of Nambroque, Hoyo Negro and Duraznero—the latter two jointly known as Las Deseadas): VEI 2, 1949, 51×10⁶ m³, 392 ha, 47 days. Teneguía: VEI 2, 1971, 31×10⁶ m³, 317 ha, 24 days. Tajogaite: VEI 3, 2021, 215×10⁶ m³, 1,237.3 ha, 85 days and 8 hours (Sept. 20 14:11 UTC—Dec. 13 22:22 UTC). Magmatic activity underneath Cumbre Vieja Partial fusion of the mantle occurs in the superior section of the upper mantle, between depths of 70 and 40 km. 3% magma is produced, and the remaining 97% is composed of peridotitic rock derived from the Earth's mantle. From 40 km upwards, the build-up of liquid rock is higher, with magma comprising about 10 to 15%. The rising diapirs intrude into fissures up until depths of 30 km, creating small magma pockets which exert an elevated pressure and create earthquakes. Between 30 and 15 km below the island, few earthquakes occur. Most earthquakes in La Palma are recorded between 15 and 10 km depth, at the Mohorovičić discontinuity, where the boundary between the oceanic crust and the Basal Complex of the island is located. A great concentration of magma is located here, which exerts high pressures on the oceanic crust and the insular edifice which fractures the crust and creates fissures, resulting in earthquakes. Landslide and mega-tsunami misconception Detailed geological mapping shows that the distribution and orientation of vents and feeder dykes within the Cumbre Vieja volcano have shifted from a triple rift system (typical of most volcanic ocean islands) to a single north–south rift. It is hypothesised that this structural reorganisation is in response to evolving stress patterns associated with the development of a possible detachment fault under the volcano's west flank. Such failures are due to the intrusion of parallel and sub-parallel dykes into a rift. This causes the flanks to become over-steep and this inevitably causes the structure of the volcano to become unstable to the point that catastrophic failure may occur, leading to a giant landslide along the detachment fault which trigger a potentially huge tsunami. There is no evidence beyond its surface expression that the 1949 section of the rift extends in a north–south direction, nor that there is a developing detachment plane. One such mega-tsunami resulted when ~3×10¹⁰ m³ of volcanic material collapsed, forming the Güímar Valle on Tenerife ~830 ka, leaving marine deposits located between 41 and 188 metres above sea level in the Agaete Valley of Gran Canaria. So, while it is true that such landslides have occurred in the past on most of the Canary Islands, it is important to note that these events are rare and occurred at large time intervals spanning many tens of thousands of years, and that it is almost impossible for a trans-oceanic mega-tsunami to be generated in the basin of the Atlantic Ocean by a failure of the western flank of the Cumbre Vieja. Unfortunately, most media are driven by sensationalism and report about it as if there was strong evidence that such a partial collapse of La Palma could occur in the somewhat near future—including potential horror scenarios such as mega-tsunamis devastating the east coast of the United States. There is, however, no scientific evidence to support this scenario. In fact, the section of the western flank of the Cumbre Vieja is far too stable to collapse within the next 10,000 years. The Güímar landslide is—reportedly—the only plausible source for the marine deposits in Gran Canaria’s Agaete Valley, but there is no indication that the tsunami propagated beyond Gran Canaria. In the worst-case scenario for La Palma, with the most massive slide that could happen, the waves would dissipate as they propagate into the Atlantic. A height of 40 m is predicted for some nearby island systems. For continents, the worst effects are in northern Brazil (13.6 m), French Guiana (12.7 m), Mid-Atlantic United States (9.6 m), Western Sahara (37 m), and Mauritania (9.7 m). This is not large enough to count as a mega-tsunami, with the highest prediction for Western Sahara comparable to the 2011 Japanese tsunami, so it would only be a mega-tsunami locally in the mid-Atlantic Ocean. Nevertheless, as was mentioned earlier, a failure of the western flank of Cumbre Vieja is extremely unlikely and probably impossible right now with the present-day geology. #tajogaite #cabezadevaca #montañarajada #cumbrevieja #lapalma #eruption #volcano

Pre-Columbian Ecuador included numerous indigenous cultures, who thrived for thousands of years before the ascent of the Incan Empire. Las Vegas culture of coastal Ecuador is one of the oldest cultures in the Americas. The Valdivia culture in the Pacific coast region is a well-known early Ecuadorian culture. Ancient Valdivian artifacts from as early as 3500 BC have been found along the coast north of the Guayas Province in the modern city of Santa Elena. Several other cultures, including the Quitus, Caras and Cañaris, emerged in other parts of Ecuador. There are other major archaeological sites in the coastal provinces of Manabí and Esmeraldas and in the middle Andean highland provinces of Tungurahua and Chimborazo. The archaeological evidence has established that Ecuador was inhabited for at least 4,500 years before the rise of the Inca. Great tracts of Ecuador, including almost all of the Oriente (Amazon rainforest), remain unknown to archaeologists, a fact that adds credence to the possibility of early human habitation. Scholars have studied the Amazon region recently but the forest is so remote and dense that it takes years for research teams to survey even a small area. Their belief that the river basin had complex cultures is confirmed by the recent discovery of the Mayo-Chinchipe Cultural Complex in the Zamora-Chinchipe Province. The present Republic of Ecuador is at the heart of the region where a variety of civilizations developed for millennia. During the pre-Inca period people lived in clans, which formed great tribes, and some allied with each other to form powerful confederations, as the Confederation of Quito. But none of these confederations could resist the formidable momentum of the Tawantinsuyu. The invasion of the Inca in the 15th century was very painful and bloody. However, once occupied by the Quito hosts of Huayna Capac, the Incas developed an extensive administration and began the colonization of the region. The pre-Columbian era can be divided up into four eras: 1. Preceramic Period (end of the last glacial—4500 BC) Las Vegas Culture (9000—4600 BC) El Inga (9000—8000 BC) 2. Formative Period (4500—600 BC) Valdivia Culture (3500—1500 BC) Machalilla Culture (1500—1100 BC) Chorrera Culture (900—300 BC) 3. Period of Regional Development (600 BC—400 AD) La Bahía (300 BC—500 AD) La Tolita Culture (600 BC—200 AD) Guangala (100—800 AD) 4. Period of Integration and arrival of the Inca (400 AD—1532 AD) Los Manteños (600—1534 AD) Los Huancavilcas (600—1530 AD) Quitu-Cara Culture and the Kingdom of Quito (400—1532 AD) The Inca (1463—1532 AD) La Tolita Culture (600 BC—200 AD) The culture of La Tolita developed in the coastal region of Southern Colombia and Northern Ecuador between 600 BC and 400 AD. A number of archaeological sites have been discovered and show the highly artistic nature of this culture. Already extinct by the time of the Spaniards arrival, they left a huge collection of pottery artifacts depicting everyday life. Artefacts are characterized by gold jewellery, beautiful anthropomorphous masks and figurines that reflect a hierarchical society with complex ceremonies. Anthropomorphic golden funerary mask with platinum eyes. Anthropomorphic golden ornament. Golden and platinum ornament of a monkey head. Golden ornament with platinum and turquoise eyes. The Sol de Oro is the most prominent artifact from the La Tolita Culture. It is a sun-shaped mask dated between 600 BC and 400 AD. It was probably worn by a Shaman who knew the agricultural cycles, and used it for sowing and harvesting rituals. It has an anthropomorphic face with a jaguar mouth. The wavy rays bursting from the head are grouped into three bundles and are formed by slithering snakes tipped with human faces. At the base of the upper bundle of rays, there are two mythical crested animals that resemble dragons, which are common in the pre-Columbian art of the western South American coast, from Peru to Panama. The Sol de Oro is a piece of 21 karats and 284.4 g in weight, and its size is 64 by 40 cm. It is an embossed sheet fashioned from a natural alloy of gold and platinum. The provenance of the mask was until recently uncertain and was one of the most controversial among ancient Ecuadorian metallurgy. For years it was debated whether its origin lies in the Sig-Sig and Chordeleg area in the province of Azuay, or the area of La Tolita in the province of Esmeraldas. Finally, the results of neutron activation analysis have revealed the raw material has a coastal origin. Mythical four-eyed caiman statuette. Jaguar censer. Jaguar vase ornament. Head of a mythical creature. Statue of a priestess. La Bahía Culture (500 BC—650 AD) The Bahía culture inhabited modern Ecuador between 500 BC and 650 AD, in the area that stretched from the foothills of the Andes Mountains to the Pacific Ocean; and from Bahía de Caráquez to the south of Manabí. Jama-Coaque Culture (355 BC—1532 AD) The Jama-Coaque culture was settled in the North of modern-day Province of Manabí of Ecuador, mainly in the area between the Coaque and Jama rivers, from which it takes its name. It existed for approximately 2000 years, spanning from 355 BC to 1532 AD, with a possible subsequent permanence during the early colonial period of the country. The material culture of the Jama Coaque includes animal and human representations in stone and metal, but the best-known aspects of the Jama Coaque culture are its ceramic vessels and figurines probably made for ritual purposes. Depicting warriors, musicians, hunters, and dancers, the figures were mold-made and have appliqué decorations that were made in smaller molds. Some figures are attached to vessels, but most are freestanding. Jama Coaque figures share similarities with other coastal sites of the period, but are often more richly clothed and elaborately adorned. A vessel attached to a figure of a warrior wielding an atlatl (an Aztec loanword for "spear-thrower") and shield, pertaining to the Jama-Coaque culture, centred in northern modern-day Ecuador and dated between 355 BC and 1532 AD. A statuette of a step-pyramidal temple of the Jama-Coaque culture, centred in northern modern-day Ecuador and dated between 355 BC and 1532 AD. Manteño Culture (500—1532 AD) Silver mask with copper crown and crest, and golden nose ring with a quartz bead. Manteño culture, dated between 500 and 1532 AD. Small silver head with golden nose ring, belonging to the Manteño culture, centred in modern-day Ecuador and dated between 500 and 1532 AD. Embossed silver plaque depicting two beetles, of the Manteño culture, centred in modern-day Ecuador and dated between 500 and 1532 AD. Embossed silver pectoral of the Manteño culture, centred in modern-day Ecuador and dated between 500 and 1532 AD. The Manteño civilization was one of the last pre-Hispanic civilizations in modern-day Ecuador. The civilization mainly grew fruits and vegetables, such as maize, squash, tomatoes, and peanuts. They built their houses using straw, palm leaves, or a type of bamboo native to the region, with a stone foundation. The Manteños were also specialized in diving for 𝘚𝘱𝘰𝘯𝘥𝘺𝘭𝘶𝘴, a bivalve native to the warm waters of coastal Ecuador, and which was believed to be food of the gods. They also used its orange and purple shell as currency, and it was used in trade across regions as far north as Mexico. The Manteños were never conquered by the Inca, who let the Manteños buy their independence with the divine Spondylus that only they knew how to retrieve due to their diving abilities. Carchi-Nariño Culture (700—1700 AD) The Carchi-Nariño culture developed in the mountains of Nariño (Southern Colombia) and Carchi (Northern Ecuador) from 700 to 1700 AD. They harvested quinoa and raised llamas for agriculture and trade. They made artwork out of materials such as wood, strings, and wool. Their work sometimes took the form of shaft burials, some being extremely deep, as much as 50 m. Their pottery reached important artistic development, being recognizable by its forms and decoration, emphasizing the negative painting or positive bicolor. Their jewelry work stands out for the large gold pectorals, nose rings, discs and plaques, all made with fine gold sheets and with complex geometric designs. External links Museo Nacional del Ecuador (MuNa)

Northwestern Andean montane forests The Northwestern Andean montane forests is an ecoregion on the western slope of the Andes mountains, in western Ecuador and Colombia. This ecoregion is part of the Northern Andean Montane Forests global ecoregion, in turn located within the tropical and subtropical moist broadleaf forests biome, in the neotropical realm. ​ Both flora and fauna are highly diverse due to the effect of alternating glacial and inter-glacial periods, which created isolated pockets of warm and cool zones respectively, and the consequent formation of endemisms therein. Since the environment is hospitable to humans, the habitat has been drastically affected by farming and grazing since the Pre-Columbian era. The high biodiversity and the anthropic impact these forests possess qualify it as part of the tropical Andes biodiversity hotspot. comments debug Comments Write a comment Write a comment Share Your Thoughts Be the first to write a comment.

Tajogaite eruption ​ The Tajogaite volcano of the Cumbre Vieja mountain ridge on the Island of La Palma violently erupting during the collapse of its pulsating Hawaiian vent. See Blog Post See Gallery Masked trogon ​ A male masked trogon (Trogon personatus assimilis ) scanning the vegetation for insects in the canopy of the Northwestern Andean montane cloud forest of Ecuador. See Gallery Cuyabeno ​ The ecologically eclectic forest of Cuyabeno. Despite being located at the foothills of the Andes, it has a network of inundated forests, lakes and creeks, leading to a different species composition than other areas in the Amazon. See Gallery Marine iguana ​ After foraging for algae in the cold waters of the island of San Cristóbal, this marine iguana (Amblyrhynchus cristatus mertensi ) decided to sunbathe on the rocky shore. See Gallery Griffon vulture ​ A griffon vulture (Gyps fulvus ) taking flight from a cliff in Monfragüe, where the number of pairs reaches over 600. See Gallery Cascade des Bésines ​ This idyllic waterfall in the French Pyrenees is located in the middle of the mountains between France, Spain and Andorra. See Gallery Chimpanzee ​ Baboon Island in the River Gambia is home to the most northwesterly population of chimpanzees, reintroduced in 1979 and currently comprised by ca. 100 individuals. See Gallery Great white shark ​ A lonesome great white shark (Carcharodon carcharias ) swimming in vast pelagic waters, bound for its next prey-rich coast. See Gallery S ol de Oro ​ A 2500 year old anthropomorphous mask manufactured from a naturally occurring alloy of platinum and tumbaga by artisans of the Tumaco-La Tolita culture. See Blog Post See Gallery Companies and organisations I have worked with: 1/9